When Democrat Party leader Abhisit Vejjajiva became prime minister, some believed he might not survive for more than three months. But now he has been in power for a year and eight months.
Here are some examples of both "right" and "wrong" decisions made over recent months:
First, changing the Constitution. Since becoming PM, Abhisit has been pressured by coalition partners to amend the electoral system and party dissolution in the current charter. Abhisit has shown strong opposition to such calls, saying he feared public criticism over politicians wanting to amend the charter to favour themselves.
The premier successfully delayed demands from his partners until after the street protests in May. He then set up a constitutional reform committee headed by National Institute of Development Administration rector Sombat Thamrongthanyawong to study what amendments should be made. The committee expects to send its conclusions to the government in October.
Second, the appointment of a new police chief. After a delay of almost a year and numerous political complications, Abhisit last week finally and successfully named Wichean Potephosree.
Abhisit failed several times to install Prateep Tanprasert in the position. Coalition partner Bhum Jai Thai's Newin Chidchob, as well as a majority of the Royal Thai Police board, wanted Jumphol Manmai. But the premier considered him too close an associate of former prime minister Thaksin Shinawatra. The debate was led by Jumphol supporter Niphon Promphan, who resigned as the PM's secretary-general. The premier solved the conflict by appointing Prateep as acting until his retirement next month.
Third, the Preah Vihear dispute. Domestically, Abhisit needed to play along with allies in the People's Alliance for Democracy (PAD) on the Preah Vihear issue, although his government had already taken a different stand. He has stood firm on the 2000 deal (MoU) for boundary demarcation against a PAD demand for the pact to be revoked. The premier had to pretend to listen to soften political pressure, and then attended a forum organised by the PAD.
However, speaking in agreement with the PAD line has done little for his international reputation. It opened a chance for Cambodia to raise the issue in a global forum because of Thailand's "aggressive" stand over the temple. This could complicate the issue, as Cambodia has sought help from Asean and the UN.
Fourth, the CNG bus-leasing saga. The Bt64-billion project under a Bhum Jai Thai minister was put on hold by the Democrat-led Cabinet several times, mostly over concerns raised by the PM. The delay was seen as a desire by the Democrats to gain some benefit from the project. But for the public, careful consideration would indeed be seen as good, because of scepticism about projects linked to BJT chief Newin Chidchob. But the PM showed he put the country ahead of political interests, particularly as he could face a rebellion from the Bhum Jai Thai if he opposes their projects.
Fifth, the red-shirt protest. During the mass rallies in Rajprasong in April-May, some people demanded Abhisit disperse the protesters sooner rather than later. The premier upset them as he acted - in the opinion of many - too slowly. But the reds were finally dis-persed by the military, after days of riots and a death toll of about 90 people on both sides, plus several dozen shops and buildings burnt out. The premier was criticised less than expected; indeed, the public seemed to sympathise and blamed the reds instead.
Some say that as Abhisit managed to survive the red-shirt protest he could stay in power until completing his term. However, it remains to be seen - his term is not due to end till December next year.