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THE THAKSIN PHENOMENON: When money talks...nothing else matters
Published on February 04, 2005
A Nation analysis of the prime minister’s unprecedented popularity finds he has managed to overcome ‘abstract’ doubts about his moral integrity and democratic values with very ‘tangible’ – albeit questionable – returns to his constituents
Never before has Thai politics revolved around one man’s popularity and his political currency – money.
Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra and his Thai Rak Thai party have changed politics as we know it. Over the past four years, he has been riding on a crest of popularity unseen in the post-World War II period. In spite of one jolt after another, Thaksin is expected to lead his Thai Rak Thai to a landslide victory during Sunday’s general election. His job approval rating has exceeded 80 per cent.
Some polls have even suggested the possibility of a one-party government, which, if it happened, would start a new chapter in Thai politics. Other critics have expressed their concern about a feeble checks-and-balances system between the executive and the legislative branches. Yet with the economy roaring at 6 per cent and enjoying full employment, the public is more swayed by tangible politics, not by abstract democratic values.
The politics of today are much different than those of yesteryear – the days of protests against dictators that culminated in bloodshed, battle between good and bad politicians, corruption scandals and even appeals for a white knight to come to the rescue of a foundering economy.
The popularity of the telecom-tycoon-turned-politician is no stroke of luck, analysts say. Thaksin has been able to systematically create a durable bond between the government and the citizens through populist policies. In return, he has fostered a massive and loyal support network.
Pitch Pongsawat, a political science lecturer at Chulalongkorn University, said Thaksin makes the people feel that politics is now a matter of policy derived from his party rather than hand-outs from bureaucrats. And the people benefit from government spending.
In other words, politics is all about “money”, said Pitch, a noted critic of “the Thaksin regime”.
“Before Thaksin, Thai politics was about the struggle for democracy or against dictatorships. He has redefined all that. He makes politics something that the people can get their hands around,” he said.
Another reason for Thaksin’s popularity is that the people feel they get “a concrete and fair share of opportunity” from the government’s economic and social policies.
“I don’t think the farmers or the small- and medium-scale entrepreneurs are different in this respect. They need means of production. They need opportunity. And they need capital. And the government’s policies invariably answer to these needs,” he said.
He said Thaksin’s popularity would have two phases. In the first four years, he was selling his Think New, Act New policy to the people and fulfilling most of his campaign pledges. In the next four years, he will go further to tell the people that he is their only choice.
Noppadon Kannika, director of the ABAC Poll Centre at Assumption University, said Thaksin, as a government leader, has gone out to capture the hearts and minds of the majority of Thais, who still struggle to make end meet. Thaksin will try to maintain his popularity among this segment of low-income voters at any cost, even if it means alienating other demographic groups.
“He has realised he needs to win their hearts and minds. The majority of the voters are grass-roots people,” he said.
He also listed the operational factors behind Thaksin’s popularity, namely his marketing gimmicks and his public-relations stunts, his all-round performance, and his massive financial power.
Thaksin and his team have used every crisis during his administration to demonstrate – unlike other politicians – his leadership capabilities, and turned himself into a hero. He has viewed every crisis as an opportunity. From the bird flu, the southern unrest to the tsunami disaster, Thaksin has emerged unscathed.
Surapongse Sotanasathien, a professor in political communications at Thammasat University’s Faculty of Journalism and Mass Communications, said these days the majority of Thai voters will vote for a someone who gives them tangible benefits and hopes, rather than for a politician who only makes empty promises.
He said Thaksin focuses on populism for the grass-roots people who have enjoyed the government’s give-aways. They care less about the substance of his policies, while admiring him for his quality of being “a saint”, he said.
The fact that Thaksin’s photos have been prominently displayed on TRT campaign posters across the country in lieu of the party’s policy attests to this “saintly”, one-man approach.
“Without Thaksin, TRT would be no different from any other party,” Surapongse said.
Danai Chanchaochai, chief executive of MDK Consultants Co, agreed that Thaksin and his party’s campaign have gained popularity from populist policies targeted at the underprivileged.
“Prime Minister Thaksin is a marketing man,” Danai said. “He looks at the people’s needs and give them tangible things.”
Danai noted that it was normal for these “mass products” to turn off opinion leaders such as academics and social critics.
In marketing terms, there are very few products that can be sold to every segment of the market. “But since Thai Rak Thai’s populist polices are mass products, they can afford to ignore the other niche markets,” he said.
A 55-year-old food vendor in downtown Bangkok said Thaksin is popular because the people feel he would come to their help when they have trouble.
“He’s good. He helps the people who are in trouble and come to see him,” she said. “There has never been any politician like Thaksin before.”
She said she has benefited from the Thaksin’s Bt30 medical scheme. “I used to pay more than Bt10,000 for my medical bill. Now the Bt30 medical scheme covers it all for me,” said the food vendor.
She said in her native province of Khon Kaen, Thaksin is immensely popular, as he is in most other parts of the Northeast.
Political Desk
The Nation
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