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Since the April crisis, Abhisit's leadership has been transformed in various ways. The audience at home still recalls when he presided over the emergency command centre with the military top brass beside him on the afternoon of April 12 during Songkran. He successfully engaged the recalcitrant military - which normally wants to stay away from political matters unless they call the shots - to be part of the political process in providing security and safety for the civilian government. Credit must be given to Army chief, General Anupong Paochinda and his senior colleagues as they were the first military top brass to accept the civilian supremacy in a time of crisis. The prime minister was confident enough to leave the country last week amid thick rumours of coup and counter-coups.

Knowing full well his weakness in the current political set-ups, he set forth to muster broad-based support from the general public at large through his own words and actions. It has been an uphill struggle for him. Following the tradition of former prime ministers Anand Panyarachun and Chuan Leekpai, Abhisit has painstakingly explained his government policies and decisions, whenever he can directly. For weeks, during the constant threats posed by the red-shirt group, he addressed the necessity for using the National Security Act and emphatically stressed the importance of rules of law and transparency, the same message he did during the April crisis, but with more confidence.

Abhisit has done so with unmatched communication skills. Consequently, he has been able to draw various constituencies into the consultative process in the past nine months. He continues to use Parliament as the appropriate platform to find consensus and the politicians, rude as they are, can agree to disagree. His repeated emphasis on the rule of law and transparency has slowly permeated the Thai political conscience.

When the country was gripped by the potential danger of the type-A (H1N1) flu, Abhisit personally rallied the whole bureaucracy behind him to calm down public fears by providing timely and correct information and ongoing government preventive programmes. He also did well in countering disinformation campaigns by his political opponents that Thailand was one of the world's worst hit countries inflected by the swine flu pandemic. After weeks of wait and see, the recalcitrant bureaucrats were quick to jump on the bandwagon and backed Abhisit.

The twists and turns over the appointment of a new police chief is another indicator Abhisit is moving quickly to instil transparency and integrity to the most mundane - or some would say - the most controversial annual reshuffle. Everybody knows that the appointment has been the subject of politicking to the team and most often-times the selecting process remains secretive. What Abhisit has done is to grasp the bull by the horns, exposing the police appointments and alleged briberies that headlined in the media. He again tries to find public common ground on this issue. Such a pattern could be also been seen over the once heated debate over the billion-baht NGV bus lease.

Obviously, Abhisit's opponents viewed the failure early this month to appoint the new police chief as a snub to his authority and a loss of face. On the contrary, in days to come, whoever is the new police successor will definitely reflect the prime minister's growing political clout - not his demise as many critics would have us believe.

Armed with the Royal Thai Police Act BE 2547 (2004), enacted during the Thaksin government, Abhisit has the authority to pick the police chief of his choice. Yet, he still tries to seek a consensus for the right person. Indeed, the disagreement helped expose the police selecting board members' true colours. Unmistakably, the prime minister will not waver as he performs his duty and deals with nepotism within the police department and "invisible hands". He has nothing to hide since he represents no vested interest and no connection.

Will these intrinsic qualities help Abhisit to weather the stormy days ahead? Perhaps, it will depend on the public perception of Abhisit's quality of leadership. The media, especially broadcasting and talk-show hosts, are crucial in reporting and portraying the real Abhisit.

At this juncture, the media still show a lack of appreciation for his leadership. Most viewed him as weak and indecisive, too dependent on coalition partners. Because of his young age, others continue to treat him as a political novice despite his nearly two-decades as a politician. Thai media culture continues to rely on nitty-gritty digging entailing political nincompoops or scandals, often void of perspectives and understanding of the overall political landscape. Printed reports continue with their traditional chronological approach and sensational headlines. Around 150 reporters follow the government beat, often asking the same follow-up personal questions for as long as a particular controversial issue ensues. Off-the-cuff quotations from senior officials that are personal or slanderous are reported and played up.

Abhisit has so far never lost his cool or committed any media faux pas since assuming office, unlike his predecessors - Thaksin, Samak Sundaravej and Somchai Wongsavat - whose every comment and view was picked up and ridiculed by the media and later relayed to the wider public. That helps to explain why Abhisit is a media nightmare as he will not under or overstate his comments or even achievements. No doubt, the majority of Thai media remain indifferent towards Abhisit. The media has yet to point out that Abhisit does not shy away from problems as he tries to unite different views. More- over, he uses soft power, something anachronistic to the Thais, who still prefer strong and shrewd (Sri Thanonchai-like) leadership.

Lately, Abhisit has found more support and sympathetic voices internationally. He represents a new breed of global leaders who inspire people and reach out to different communities. During last week's trip to the UN General Assembly and G-20 Pittsburgh, he mixed well with world leaders. He approached US President Barack Obama at the G-20 meeting and invited him to meet with the Asean leaders, to which the latter immediately agreed. Despite the political crisis at home, Abhisit, as the Asean chair, has performed his duty on behalf of the grouping with flying colours.

However, in days ahead, he will need all the help to survive the last putsch by his political opponents, who come in different colours, tags and disguises. Although Abhisit can lead, he still needs to garner public support as well as from his own coalition partners and security apparatus. One of his greatest weaknesses is the dispersed nature of executive power - trying to divide his leadership and exercise of power.

This manifestation can be seen through his handling of the Southern conflict, which he could have been more forceful. Abhisit is playing new politics which zeroes in on effective government, transparency and rule of law. He has strengthened democracy and human rights inside Thailand. He believes that democracy is something to be cultivated and learned. Almost all his speeches lately have focused on people and their needs, innovation and education in society, national reconciliation, openness of economies as well as regional cooperation and integration.