
Abhisit seems determined so far to avoid an early attack of "selective politi-cal amnesia". But can he effectively make use of his good memory to keep his coalition partners out of mischief?
The PM told reporters late last week when questioned about rumours of a possible rupture between his Democrats and Bhum Jai Thai Party members over the latter's proposal to lease a fleet of 4,000 NGV buses on some highly suspicious terms:
"When we were discussing the formation of this coalition government, I told the coalition partners that I had opposed the deal as an opposition leader. I told them to go back to check out what my arguments against the proposal were. It was that clear from the outset…"
Can Abhisit the prime minister main-tain the same public position that he had vehemently articulated when he was speaking as the opposition leader?
The political risk involved is huge. Abhisit doesn't need to be reminded how fragile his position is. He could be toppled overnight if Bhum Jai Thai, under the virtual control of Newin Chidchob, decides that Abhisit wasn't "playing the game" and execute a dramatic withdrawal of support.
His political survival instincts may tell him to try to strike a compromise with Newin. But Abhisit also realises, of course, that if he is seen to knuckle under to Bhum Jai Thai's threats, his credibility and integrity will be severely dented.
Bhum Jai Thai has in fact already pulled out the sword of revenge by employing the age-old political counter-attack strategy. One of its core members has spoken publicly of trying to derail one of the Democrat Party's planks to lease public land to farmers at Bt10 per rai.
The thinly-veiled tit-for-tat was apparently aimed at pressuring Abhisit to tone down his reluctance to give the go-ahead for the massive bus rental deal. But the premier seemed ready for a showdown if push comes to shove.
Abhisit's leaderhip is being tested in a crucial way. He can struggle to muddle through by accommodating the demands from both within his own party and those that satisfy the financial interests of his coalition partners.
That's the beaten track taken by his predecessors. That's what politicians have labelled "pragmatism" that ensures political stability in a coalition. But if he chooses that option, Abhisit will inevitably become just "one of those guys" in the power game. That, in all probability, will also mark the beginning of the end for his political career.
He could be bold and firm - and avoid the fatal pitfalls of being nothing more than a "political midwife" instead of a leader charged with the mission to take the country out of a major crisis.
Abhisit knows that his every decision will be closely watched and scrutinised. The public's expectations have always been high for his brand of "clean and modern-day politics."
It might have been less of a challenge had he assumed the premiership during "normal" times, if there was such a thing as normality in politics.
But then, if he is determined to prove his political resolve to be the "real man for the people", taking up the challenge of a country in crisis might just be a kind of baptism of fire that could distinguish him from all his predecessors.
The PM is being surrounded by swarms of politicians and advisers. |The advice he gets is inevitably tainted one way or the other with vested interest.
So, perhaps, Abhisit may want to get out of his limousine, take off his jacket, skip the next Cabinet meeting and take a crowded bus and just talk to the little people along the way - no reporters, no cameramen in sight.
That's when he will regain the real meaning of "working for the people" instead of working for the people's votes.