Tiptoeing between red shirts and yellow shirts to find a new political system

In contrast to much wild speculation, the reform process is not meant to tackle the animosity involving ex-premier Thaksin Shinawatra.

From the previous round of reform in 1997, two key benefits were the strengthening of partisan politics and the promotion of civil society. And two main drawbacks were the runaway power leading to the autocratic regime under Thaksin, and the sprouting of street protests.

For the upcoming reform, the crucial questions are how to ensure the political parties reflect the mass movements; and how to promote mutual growth of the parliamentary system and civil society without the red shirts and the yellow shirts taking to the streets.

Although the 2007 Constitution has addressed issues relating to the turmoil, a number of its key provisions have been found to be flawed and in need of revision. The charter rewrite is, however, not the heart of the reform process but a mere springboard to strengthen the political system.

Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva has been pushing for King Prachadhipok's Institute, the think tank under parliamentary oversight, to design a blueprint for political restructuring.

Abhisit is emulating the way adopted in the 1997 round to bring about the restructuring. Since the Democrats are a party involved in the turmoil, it is imperative that non-partisan figures,who are not associated with either of the rival camps, should be designated to spearhead the reform if the volatility is to be overcome.

Social critic Prawase Wasi was in charge of drawing up the blueprint for the 1997 reform process. The Prawase report subsequently led to the formation of the Constitution Drafting Assembly to bring about the people's charter, heralded as the most advanced basic law to advance the Thai political system.

For the second time round, political scientist Suchit Boonbongkarn is slated to chair the panel of eminent academics to come up with recommendations for the political restructuring. The Suchit report is expected to be completed in about eight months.

Suchit is a retired academic from Chulalongkorn University and a former judge of the Constitution Court. He is seen as a stalwart for democracy. Presently he chairs the Political Development Council, the parliamentary-mandated public organisation.

After Suchit had made it clear his duty was to overhaul the political system to ensure democratic advancement, critics started to question his credentials.

A significant number of politicians in both the opposition and the coalition seemed to have a misconception that the essence of political reform is either to completely exonerate Thaksin or to totally destroy him.

Many opposition lawmakers and their red-shirt cohorts have been advocating the charter rewrite in a manner seen as a pretext to get Thaksin out of his predicament.

On the other hand, the yellow shirts want a political system that crunches Thaksin once and for all.

In the midst of political animosity, many seem to have forgotten that the political system is supposed to serve society and not to resolve personal issues.

Should the political reform proceed as planned, the ugly chapter of volatility should draw to a close within a year or thereabouts. But key players responsible for the political turbulence are far from being at peace with themselves or with one another.

Thaksin is portraying himself as the champion of democracy and justice. He has demanded the punishment of the yellow shirts for the seizure of two Bangkok airports while he is overlooking the fact that he is a fugitive refusing to serve his two-year jail term.

Reform or no reform, the fight between Thaksin supported by the red-shirt crowd and the yellow shirts will go on as per usual.