
Incompetent opposition is a bane for democracy because it tends to spawn runaway power. Pheu Thai MPs should get a grip on themselves instead of allowing their misdirection to mire the opposition bench.
Last week the main opposition party generated much noise but little substance. None of the infighting, mudslinging and scaremongering achieved the results intended.
Ironically, opposition lawmakers have brought further injury to themselves because their misdirected activities have overshadowed the debate on the economic stimulus package. In spite of grilling the government for two days and two nights, the opposition left no lasting impression due to its own distractions.
The smear aimed at Commerce Minister Porntiva Nakasai was futile. The innuendo about the blacklisting of Porntiva's travel to the United States was fabricated and did not exonerate ex-premier Thaksin Shinawatra.
As a convict on the run, Thaksin is bound to face travel restrictions. A number of Pheu Thai MPs appear naive in thinking they could help resolve his plight by slinging mud at someone else.
Opposition lawmakers have jumped on the bandwaggon of the red shirts and tried to fan the fear of a looming showdown between the government and its opponents. Several scary scenarios have been circulated claiming the victory of the red shirts and the imminent return of Thaksin to grab power.
The scenarios have been proven false time and again and the scare has yielded nothing but a distraction for of opposition bench from its work, or lack of it.
The planned censure debate has turned out to expose the infighting among opposition lawmakers instead of posing a serious threat to the government.
Pheu Thai MP Chalerm Yoobamrung has been pushing hard to file a no-confidence motion in order to grill the government by March 11. He is also a proponent for his main opposition party to sponsor a draft bill for reconciliation. One key provision is to grant amnesty to banned party executives, like Thaksin.
Chalerm has been spearheading attempts to revitalise the opposition bench, although he is persistent in his refusal to become neither party leader nor opposition leader.
What he has left unsaid is that he does not want to be the figurehead of a party owned by Thaksin and run by his four siblings, Yaowapha, Payap, Yaowaret and Yingluck.
The painful lesson of former prime minister Samak Sundaravej is a good reminder for Chalerm and other contenders for party leadership. Samak found his People Power Party turning its back on him once he fell out of Thaksin's good grace.
Chalerm may be full of praise for his political master Thaksin, but he always keeps him at arm's length.
Deputy House Speaker Apiwan Wiriyachai openly opposes Chalerm's plans. He too is a contender to lead Pheu Thai but has refused to be formally installed as party leader.
He warns Chalerm about undermining the opposition's credibility by rushing to censure the government without evidence.
He insists that his party has yet to finalise its decision on the no-confidence debate. The grilling, if it happens, should focus on performance rather than a sideline issue such as ethical standards for party contributions, he said.
Apiwan opposes Chalerm for planning to base the censure on a suspicious Bt250 million contribution to the Democrats.
Unlike Chalerm, he has also been critical of the attempt to grant amnesty. He has distanced his party from the draft bill by revealing that the idea of amnesty came from one of the 111 banned Thai Rak Thai Party executives.
The Chalerm-Apiwan power struggle has deflected the heat of the censure, which should be aimed at the government, to the opposition bench instead.
As Pheu Thai bigwigs try to outwit and outlast one another, it is noteworthy Thaksin and his four siblings keep mum. Pheu Thai may be cast adrift like a rudderless ship but this is of no concern to the Shinawatra family so long as it serves Thaksin's aspirations.
The question is how soon the opposition lawmakers will reckon their obligation is to serve the public and not the fugitive.