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SIDELINES

House quorum is a threat to the govt from within

PRIME MINISTER Abhisit Vejjajiva approaches his second month in office amidst bolder challenges on many fronts. There have been unexpected distractions such as the much-publicised plight of Rohingya illegal migrant workers and the failure of the House of Representatives to form a quorum last week.



So far, Abhisit has maintained his composure despite the pressure and strain. The ability to implement the economic stimulus package, using some populist policies to resolve problems of the rural poor, has caused considerable alarm to the opposition, which does not want the coalition to strengthen its grip on power.  

The opposition intends to use whatever means possible to discredit the leadership of Abhisit. Even fugitive ex-premier Thaksin Shinawatra cannot remain silent. His phone-in talk set up by his red-shirted pressure group shows his vehemence and determination that he will not give up the struggle to regain power. There was no ambiguity or vagueness in his finger pointing. In an interview with a Japanese newspaper, Thaksin blamed the courts, the military and the Privy Council for his unending predicament and for helping Abhisit grab the premiership. If there was anything new at all, it was his affirmation to use all means to win at any cost. Never mind the trouble he causes to his homeland - the source of previous opportunities to amass immense wealth.

Still on the run and never staying in one place too long, Thaksin intends to use his international network of connections to advance his cause, telling the world that he is being victimised by his political adversaries. As usual, those against him are all bad.

The severity of Thaksin's grudge is reflected in his vow to carry on vendettas against his foes, in hell or heaven, in this life and the next. It was designed to assure his cronies and supporters back home that they can expect an uninterrupted financial flow despite his dwindling wealth and resources.

Should his threats be taken seriously? Political heavyweights here no longer lend much significance to his periodic phone-ins. They all want him to come back and serve the jail term for his role in the land deal that benefited his ex-wife, and to fight pending criminal cases against him.

Thaksin has been directing his accusations against the judicial process. But when he wants to sue his rivals he makes full use of the same legal process, bringing serious criminal charges and claims for multi-million-baht damages payments.

How should the government respond to Thaksin? The trump card remains the cancellation of his passport, making it impossible for him to travel around hissing his venom to the foreign media people who are sympathetic to his struggle. That should be the last resort, followed by other means for extradition.

But a newly emerged threat to the government's stability is not a motion or issue raised in the House. It's the ability to maintain a quorum, especially during sessions for important bills. The opposition will try to capitalise on the government's thin majority in the House and drive a wedge into the fragile relationship among the coalition partners through charges of irregularities, and cause friction on benefit sharing.

In the first week, the opposition called a check on the quorum and it succeeded. The coalition was nine votes short of the quorum, forcing an adjournment. There was similar difficulty yesterday, and it took quite a while for the House Speaker to summon enough MPs and senators to open the joint session.

It was odd and shameful for both sides. MPs are supposed to attend all sessions and perform their duty as stipulated in the Constitution and as promised to voters during their election campaigns. Opposition MPs intentionally stayed away from House sessions while demanding a count of the quorum. They rejoiced when the House failed to get enough members assembled to continue its business.

Abhisit had to arrange a party for coalition MPs to mend fences and appease partners who have been dissatisfied with the Democrats' attempts to keep their hands away from the cookie jar.

Now the immediate threat is from within the coalition itself, and Abhisit cannot afford to let down his guard. The menace from Thaksin can be dealt with through legal means. The unruly and violence-prone red-shirts can still be contained by a realigned police force, but the House quorum could one day break the coalition relationship.

Somebody in the Democrat Party will have to rethink strategy and hold a crash course on human relationships. This will be needed in addition to Abhisit's charm and his ability to avoid adversity so far. The path he walks has suddenly become precarious.


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