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It is quite clear that the grievances of the Malay-speaking South are mainly concerned with the ethnic identity of Thainess imposed on them on one hand, and the unfulfilled right to self-determination, from the Malay-speaking population's point of view, on the other.

The practice of "Thainess", based on the three commonalties of Thai language, Buddhist religion and monarchy (chat, satsana, phramahakrasat), has long been institutionalised officially as a successful collective national identity.

While the said practice of "Thainess" has worked quite well in general, for decades, it has been resisted and even rejected by the people of the deep South, often referred to as Patani Malays, to borrow a phrase from Don Pathan. The way to go for the Thai political class and especially the Abhisit-led government would be to tackle this national identity issue from a more comprehensive and wider perspective. But any attempt at innovation with Thai national identity should be formulated along the line of "unity in diversity", where cultural autonomy depicting the Southern Patani Malay as a distinct ethnic group, along with the dominant group, is being accepted.

The Thainess norm widened along this line to include the Malays from the deep South into the fold would, no doubt, take away a lot of the animosity that has recently become abundant and evident in the area.

Parallel to this ethnic identity hurdle, critical thinking on how to accommodate the right of self-determination for the people in this area could be earnestly discussed.

Basically, the outcomes of implementing the right to self-determination fall roughly into two categories. It could be understood in a strong or weak sense. While the strong sense insists that a nation be given statehood, the weak sense only requires that a nation be given some form of self-government.

Weak national self-determination is thus compatible with a multinational state in which nations are given some political autonomy. It is clear that the weak notion of self-determination can encompass differing degrees of self-determination, including confederations, federations, consensual democracies, and unitary states with sub-national autonomy - that is, regional parliaments, local governments and so on.

This writer believes that most people from these three southern provinces would opt for a higher degree of autonomy - given the example and successful give-and-take autonomy resolution of the Ache region in Indonesia - that falls short of total separation. Besides, most hard-line secession movements on the Asian continent are now more in line with aiming at greater autonomy than outright total independence.

As such, a practical solution for the Thai southern conflict would depend on pragmatic political accommodation and how wide and inclusive the norm of "Thainess" or national identity could be stressed to embrace the people, who see themselves as being underprivileged and underrepresented within the national context.

SAI WANSAI

BANGKOK

Abhisit and Obama, similar beacons for national cooperation

As an American citizen and a retired, frequent farang visitor to Thailand, I am quite excited and confident about the new, emerging leadership styles of our relatively young statesmen - your PM Abhisit Vejjajiva and our President Barack Obama.

Both bring intellect, refreshing vitality and sincere interest in improving their national governments. Both are introducing economic stimulus packages and both appear eager to reach out to all the diverse political bases and social needs.

We in the US can only hope that President Obama in time will help improve the economy and help restore America's traditional standing in global affairs.

As an admirer of Thailand - its rich history, wonderful people and culture - it is also my sincerest hope that Mr Abhisit is supported and given a chance to help improve Thailand's economy and political/social divisions.

Many of my Thai friends and their families are facing economic challenges with home budgeting and downturns in various businesses.

Foreign investors and tourists will return in significant numbers to Thailand if the political and social differences can be mended.

In general, varied political forces in the US appear to be at least "open" with an attempt at "working together" towards progress on the eve of Obama's inauguration.

It is my sincerest hope that the various political factions in Thailand will try now to "work together" with Abhisit in promoting progress for all of Thailand's people.

FRANK TERRAZA

HONOLULU