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Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva experienced the first test of his nerve after hate calls and threats on his life. This led to the assignment of more security details. But the absence of that sort of welcome would be an insult to the battle-hardened Democrat Party, with its history of over 50 years. It remains the country's oldest party and has an intuitive sense of survival.

The Democrats are usually skilled in dealing with adversity, particularly in heated House debates. The opposition could not do much yesterday as its leading orators did not have legal immunity as provided during House sessions.

It was more like shadow boxing instead of a toe-to-toe duel. The opposition will have to live with disappointment and work out plans to cause the erosion of public confidence and faith in the coalition. That can be achieved only through the abject failure of the Democrats in their handling of the attempted economic recovery.

Abhisit and his Cabinet cannot expect a smooth ride. The hard task of organising the summit meeting for Asean leaders in the next few weeks will surely be met by protest rallies by red-shirted demonstrators who intend to block the event just to embarrass the government.

What are the competitive advantages of the coalition government? Abhisit, of course, represents strong credibility with his record of honesty and integrity. Strength gained through more days in office will lead to the further weakening of Thaksin Shinawatra, who has to struggle with life in exile on the run from prison.

What Abhisit must prove, in addition to courage and political will, is his independence of mind and policy direction - free from the destructive influence and interference of the old guard in the Democrat Party who perceive themselves as kingmakers and patrons.

The first 100 days should be devoid of trivial issues. The task of handling mediocre and dirty work should be left to party foot soldiers and old hands well versed in unsavoury stratagems and low blows. The burden of solving the problems of low-income earners and creating reasonably strong consumer spending should rank among top priorities.

Winning the hearts and minds of the rural poor means the creation of a strong Democrat political base, which the Thaksin crowd definitely does not want to see happen. Caring for the poor has long been a claim and battle cry for Thaksin, though there is no evidence that money for them ever came out of his deep pockets. All along,it was a free ride of spending from taxpayers' money and government budgets. 

Still the Democrats are seen to be too much concerned with Thaksin and his venomous PR campaigns. There were reports of attempts by Suthep Thaugsuban to persuade Thaksin to cease and desist from making Thailand's key institutions look bad in the international community. This gives undue credit and recognition to the disgraced politician in self-imposed exile, whose massive wealth has been reportedly depleted through investment miscalculations and legal action by the Swiss and UK governments to freeze his assets.

The reason the Democrats worry too much about Thaksin must be based on the fact that their poor performance during the Democrat's last grip on government power gave rise to the billionaire and his populist policies. With this painful lesson still clear, they should not commit the same mistakes again.

The Democrats should watch the coalition partners with extra wariness, even though the Newin faction is a necessary evil they cannot live without. Abhisit must show he will not compromise the national interest with the need to keep the partners well fed and their greed satiated. Already, mouth-watering projects are being put on the table. Abhisit will need extra charm and smooth talking to convince these necessary evils that they should not rear their ugly heads too soon. This is a time for national restoration, not an opportunity to grab the spoils of gutter politics.

If that undesirable deed happens, it will surely lead to trouble and a quick end to this administration. It's not just the red-shirts and the opposition; the yellow-shirts now watching the moves of the Democrats will also be pleased to join street actions and try to bring what they call "new politics" into full play.

That might be tempting after all the old-style political options have already been tested and proven as failures.