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Money rules in the political zero-sum game

BEFORE the end of the year, Thais should have a new government in place to set a new course for a better future. That was the promise from the Democrats, who expect that their party leader Abhisit Vejjajiva will become the new prime minister - barring unpleasant last-minute surprises.



If the horse trading and haggling over benefit sharing among the new coalition partners - with the Democrats serving as the core - is eventually concluded, then Abhisit will not just be a man who would be prime minister. His lifelong political aspiration will become reality.

Until such time, there will be more days of speculation, with the power of money playing a pivotal, seductive role for cash-starved House members who certainly will not support Abhisit for nothing in return.

Thaksin Shinawatra - who is calling the shots for the new party set up to replace the now-dissolved People Power Party - is in a desperate situation, busy with phone calls to win back the defectors. His ex-wife, Pojaman, who took her maiden name after their recent divorce, is not divorced from politics, as her propaganda and PR machines lead the public to believe. Both still work hand in glove to retain power, now obviously at any cost.

In the days following the dissolution of the three ruling parties, Thai gutter politics has been in open play, with big money as the agent for changes of heart and betrayal - part and parcel of the race for power and vested interests.

The Democrats, who have been the opposition for years, got their chance to attract defectors from the so-called "Friends of Newin" camp. After some cajoling and, some reports say, coercive bargaining by military figures, other small parties followed suit, enabling the Democrats to claim a simple majority for a new government.

But Thaksin and his cronies will not take it sitting down. With a considerable war chest remaining - even after the freeze of his cash - amounting over Bt200 billion, he cannot afford to lose and face further jail terms. Cell phones and calculators have been kept busy these past nights in the bargaining for the price per MP head. 

Transactions over switches of loyalty are part of our gutter politics. There was no discretion during the desperate attempts to woo MPs into both camps; everything was known to reporters. Some of those with loyalty for sale unabashedly boasted of their price. The figures claimed by both sides fluctuated along with the bluffing and false claims. This has been a time for MPs to capitalise on the situation, turning the country's political crisis into a golden opportunity. Hard cash is needed during hard times.

Until someone is officially endorsed by HM the King, and the event is broadcast live nationwide for all to see, anything can still happen. With days left until Parliament reconvenes, the power of money can still influence the final outcome.

There could be some assurance for the Democrats that the new deals being negotiated have the blessing of powerful generals who were said to have advised on the moves. Those against the new plan have been given a thinly veiled warning that their push to retain power will lead to undesirable results, and probably a long suspension of electoral politics. 

At the same time, there is a call for a national unity government to take charge of the country for a few years, allowing time to reconstruct and to prevent further decay and the risk of more chaos, including possible widespread civil unrest.

This could happen if the Democrats fail and if Thaksin is able to woo back enough MPs to continue controlling the government. If the new prime minister is another puppet or proxy serving only vested interests, there will be more street rallies and protests.

If the Democrats form the government, similar turbulence is possible. Thaksin's cronies have warned that their red-shirted thugs will surround Parliament to prevent Abhisit becoming prime minister. Even if this doesn't happen, there will be sinister plots, mud slinging and disinformation to bring down a Democrat-led administration.

Tough times await the winner of this race for the premiership. For Abhisit, it will be no picnic if he indeed becomes chief executive. He will be like a goldfish swimming in a sea full of sharks.

There will be serious challenges and hard tests of his courage and political will, starting with the task of removing Newin's team of crony journalists from NBT and ending his lucrative deals at TV and radio stations. Things will never be the same, only better or much worse.


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