Political reality isn't pretty, deal with it

Leading figures have repeatedly made passionate pleas for reconciliation, yet rifts appear to be plunging deeper into the abyss.

Polarised politics is now a reality, with both opposing camps sticking to their irreconcilable differences and preparing to wage a long war even though it is evident that neither of them has the power to defeat the other.

The government and the opposition - led by the People's Alliance for Democracy - have instead found themselves caught in an awkward position, where they can neither mix, nor go their separate ways nor co-exist peacefully. Previous political norms are no longer applicable and the rough-and-tumble style has become the new way of politicking. The sooner the society realises this changing reality, the better it can absorb the repercussions spawned by political jitters.

It should be noted that the stock market no longer goes into panic mode every time a political predicament arises. The business community, particularly the real sector, has yet to make the necessary adjustments on private investments in light of political volatility.Over the past three years, there have been no major investment projects in the private sector. If businessmen fail to cope with the new political climate, then the country will likely be caught in a double jeopardy - the global economic crisis and the loss of competitiveness due to domestic turmoil.

It might be futile for businesses to wait for the return of a strong government or the sort of stability that existed between 2001 and 2005. Their crucial problem now is to survive and move on under the current circumstances.

When the PAD-led street rallies started to gain momentum in 2005, the autocratic leadership of former prime minister Thaksin Shinawatra was the catalyst. Then Thaksin was ousted in the 2006 coup and subsequently became a convicted fugitive living in exile in London. In the meantime, the country witnessed a new constitution, the December 23 general election last year and three prime ministers.

So much has been happening, though the only constant is the polarisation between the government and the PAD. And what makes it even more ironic is that both sides claim to represent the light of democracy, and see the other as darkness.

The government portrays itself as the champion of representative democracy, vowing to fight to the very bitter end to safeguard the electoral system. Meanwhile, the PAD trumpets itself as the force of righteousness, invoking participatory democracy to uproot the manipulation of votes.

The government blames the PAD for undermining democracy by refusing to accept that electoral winners have the rightful mandate to govern. The PAD counters that the government has no legitimacy due to its electioneering for self-serving gains.

Meanwhile, the acrimony continues to escalate as both sides throw barbs at each other.

As the PAD uses the crowd as a shield and to justify its street protests, the government condones the mobilisation of supporters under the pretext of anti-coup activities.

The power play between the two sides has turned into a game that is decided by the noise created by opposing crowds.

The PAD is rousing its supporters to bring about the government's downfall, while pro-government crowds roar in disapproval for the never-ending protests, which they see as a trampling of the law.

Meanwhile, both sides have ruled out any attempts to find a middle ground.

The PAD wants nothing short of purging every politician in the ruling People Power Party from the political scene - something that will take years to achieve, if at all. After all, the Surayud Chulanont government dismally failed to attract a new breed of politicians to contest in the last general elections.

Besides, even if the PPP politicians were to quit, there is no guarantee that there would be the political cleansing that the PAD has been hoping for.

Given the PAD's stubborn stance, the government is equally determined to overcome its adversary. Prime Minister Somchai Wongsawat has been paying lip service to reconciliation even though he has made no attempt to achieve a compromise with the PAD.

He has been demanding that the PAD vacate Government House, but offers no incentives for them to do so. He is going ahead with the charter rewrite even though his move might inflame the situation further.

The way things are looking now, the government is preparing for a snap election early next year. The prime minister will likely dissolve the House soon after the conclusion of the upcoming Asean summit.

By calling early polls, the coalition alliance is pinning its hopes on returning with a stronger mandate so it can snub the PAD.

Unless they can achieve a decisive outcome, the government and the PAD will have to keep slugging it out. Neither talks nor military intervention will be of any help and bystanders are advised to stay out of the political muddle.