The Philippines and Thailand: Parallel southern unrest

Vendors were selling grilled chicken, salted fish and peanuts up until late at night in the vibrant market in the heart of Cotabato City. The laid-back vibe in the city nonetheless hides the fact that there was a resurgence of attacks last week in anticipation of the court's ruling. Armed security guards were stationed at various locations in the city such as hotels and banks. Military checkpoints were a reminder of the deep South of Thailand. At the airport, there were warning signs about terrorist attacks. There were reports that some MILF units would retaliate and take back some land.

In spite of a low economic indicator, Mindanao has gained international attention due to its location and the ongoing conflict. The US army is present in Cotabato with its prime mission to fight Abu Sayyab. Located in a strategic position bordering Malaysia's Sabah State on Borneo, there has been active oil smuggling with Indonesia. Malaysia considers itself a stakeholder as Mindanao and Sabah were once both under the Sulu Sultanate.

The conflict in the southern Philippines is comparable to the situation in Thailand's Muslim majority, Malay-speaking deep South. Separatist groups in both regions have been fighting their respective governments for decades, citing historical claims to ancestral homeland and questioning the legitimacy of the respective states. People in Mindanao speak of a different history and tradition from the rest of the Philippines. By the time the Spanish colonialists arrived in the Philippines, the Muslims of Mindanao had already established their own states under the sultanate system as early as the mid 15th century.

"Mindanao was not under the territorial jurisdiction of Spain (which colonised the islands for more than 300 years) but it was sold in 1898 to America under the Treaty of Paris," said Tom Villarin, executive director of the Sustainable Integrated Area Development in Mindanao.

With around 7,000 islands, the Philippines is a multi-ethnic country, consisting of 180 ethnic groups, half of which are in Mindanao. "That's why the issue of ethnicity is important," Villarin said.

The different history and background aside, conflict also stems from the socio-economic situation. Mindanao, the second largest island in the archipelago, is at the bottom of the social and economic indicator in terms of poverty, health and literacy. Nonetheless, the island produces roughly 40 per cent of the country's food. Unlike other parts of the country, it has been safe from typhoons. The last big storm was in 1971. Also, the island is mineral rich and believed to contain natural gas and oil. Malaysia's Petronas has already conducted exploration in the area. What Mindanao people seek is the right to ancestral land and management of the fiscal budget and natural resources.

The memorandum of understanding on ancestral domain - a product of long efforts to solve the conflict in Mindanao - would have gained support among the 13 provinces in the body. But the court rejected the plan on the grounds that the government tried to finalise the deal without public consultation, as required by law.

The rebels have used the "Bangsamoro" banner since 1968 to fight for self-determination and to gain respect for their unique culture and tradition. "Bangsamoro" does not mean only Muslims but also other Filipinos and settlers who have been marginalised by the policies of the central government, said Samira Gutoc, a freelance writer from Mindanao who also works for a women's group there.

She added, "The irony is that 'Bangsamoro' was originally a derogative word the Spanish used to call the local people in the old days."

Although Muslims and Catholics intermingle in Cotabato, the failure to resolve the conflict has created an "invisible wall" in the city. Muslimin G Sema, the mayor of Cotabato, said he has to ensure that people objectively understand the root cause of the problems. The recent court decision, however, does not help. He added, "We have to ensure the peace process keeps moving on."

The conflict in the southern Philippines has been a subject of interest for Thai security officials. They hope to learn from the peace process there and see what aspects of it are applicable to southern Thailand.

As one Thai military officer monitoring the situation in Mindanao pointed out, the positive aspect of the Mindanao case is that resolution has been done through negotiation. In spite of a series of attacks and clashes, Manila and the MILF have never severed their channels of communication.

In Thailand, however, the government is fighting a new generation of shadowy insurgents who operate among the civilian population instead of controlling geographical territory like the MILF. Dialogue between Thai officials and leaders of long standing separatist groups - including a meeting between coup-appointed prime minister Surayud Chulanont and representatives from the Patani United Liberation Organisation (Pulo) last December in Bahrain - have gone on for years. But these meetings were informal because the Thai government does not have a clear policy on how to deal with the old separatist groups, much less the new, more brutal generation of insurgents.

But since the September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks against the US, Mindanao has come under an unwanted spotlight. A number of security experts and governments have claimed that Islamic terrorists have used some pockets of Mindanao as a training ground for militants.

Others dispute the claims, saying the problem in Mindanao, like Patani, is nationalist in nature, not part of a global jihadist movement.

Nevertheless, given the porous nature of the underdeveloped maritime border where Malaysia, Indonesia and the Philippines come together, with little monitoring, experts say Mindanao is an ideal place for Islamic terrorists from Indonesia or elsewhere to lie low or even carry out military training exercises. The Philippines armed forces do not have full control of Mindanao territory and the MILF may not always know who goes in and out of the region.

But while the Manila government reached out to the international community - including the US and the Organisation of the Islamic Conference (OIC) - to help with the mediation and peace process, Thailand, on the other hand, refuses to take the same path for fear that an international presence would pave the way for a separate homeland for the Malays in the southernmost provinces.