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Somchai's departure is long overdue after bloodshed

PRIME Minister Somchai Wongsawat, saddled with a crisis of confidence and poor credibility rating even before his first day in office, continues to limp along while resisting the public outcry for him to quit following the bloodshed on October 7.



Somchai is held accountable for the violent clashes between police and protesters, because he controls the national police. It was upon his instruction that the police broke up the siege of Parliament last week.

During a brief nationwide speech on TV on Sunday night, he firmly refused to either resign or dissolve the House of Representatives, probably hoping public pressure would soon abate as time passes.

His apology to the people over the violent event came too late and only after public outrage towards the police's thirst for blood, perceived to have been condoned by Somchai himself.

The heavy-handed police measures in the brutal crackdown on protesters led by the People's Alliance for Democracy, resulted in more than 400 casualties, including two people killed from severe wounds caused by tear gas blasts.

The appearance on TV was somewhat too late. It was out of necessity rather than a sense of remorse, coming after evidence was seen of the police strong-arm tactics, using dangerous tear gas from China.

A national commission formed to investigate the incident failed to placate the public because senior police generals tried to shy away from accepting either responsibility or the public backlash. They also fear criminal charges sought by lawyers affiliated with the PAD.

Despite his dogged refusal to bow out, claiming it would not produce a desirable solution to the long-running political conflict, Somchai's prolonged presence hardly commands public acceptance as respectable leadership.

His call for national reconciliation rings pretty hollow. His appointment of a militant political crony as government spokesman proves that he does not have a free hand in selecting Cabinet members or support teams.

All political appointments are rewards for other roles appreciated by Thaksin Shinawatra, now seeking asylum in England.

Somchai looked haggard, with signs of fatigue on his face, as if he had undergone a rapid ageing process since taking up the top job. The smooth talk was absent. He appeared less confident, indeed uncomfortable, when he spoke on the bloodshed and other issues he is held accountable for.

By clinging to his seat, Somchai only makes way for more political confrontation between pro- and anti-government demonstrators, with the potential for another flare-up of violence.

What the government is doing now is to maintain its propaganda machinery for radio and TV talk programmes to counter the months-long campaign by the PAD, which continues to lay siege to Government House. This has caused the Somchai Cabinet acute embarrassment for its not having a proper seat of power.

Somchai should realise by now that he is not acceptable to the public. He is seen as having only a flimsy mandate and little legitimacy. An ex-civil servant with almost no political clout or character, his persistence in holding onto his job can only aggravate the potentially explosive situation.

The lack of credibility extends from the clumsy handling of the political troubles to sloppy crisis management at a time when the country faces external economic problems, with international banking and financial institutions being threatened by spreading insolvency.

The public sector does not view him as a promising saviour in dealing with the economic problems, while his team of economic managers merely comprises lackeys and cronies of Thaksin.

Inexperienced in managing the national economy, they are fumbling around, giving a false sense of security to the public that they can handle the tough task ahead. Together, Somchai and his economic team are a worrisome liability in the eyes of businesspeople.

What are the probable scenarios now that Somchai is staying put? He may need more dead bodies and scores of casualties on the streets to convince him that his overall competence and potential are below par given the magnitude of the prevailing crisis.

What he should have learned by now is that being a prime minister and national leader is a far cry from that of a chair-warmer or figurehead of political parties united to share the spoils from the plundering of national wealth.

The country does not need his sacrifice in managing national tasks. The people have a pretty good idea where his loyalty lies when it comes to a choice between Thaksin and the public interest.


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