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Pundits on political symbolism will have a field day speculating on the underlying significance of ex-premier Thaksin exchanging greetings with Prime Minister Samak. But after the excitement dies down, many will see the Samak-Thaksin picture as simply adding to a long queue of political moments in time. The event may have been captivating, but it has little, or no, significance for the public.

However, for Samak, the significance of his social encounter with Thaksin may not be so easily cast aside.

By accident or design, Samak and his People Power Party (PPP) won last December's general election by riding on Thaksin's coat-tails. This has subsequently triggered a heated debate about whether the government is a proxy for the ousted premier.

In a rebuttal to the opposition's censure, Samak categorically denied he was a grateful underling of Thaksin and rebuked opposition members for misreading the situation. He said Thaksin owed him a debt of gratitude, and not the other way around.

Regardless of Thaksin's role in the general scheme of things, the ex-premier is both a boon and a bane to Samak. He was an invaluable factor in helping install Samak in power. He has also been excess baggage attracting a huge tide of opposition to the government.

Without Thaksin, Samak would probably have remained a retired politician. With Thaksin's blessing, Samak is basking in the limelight as prime minister, even though the fire warming his seat of power could burn down his house at any given moment.

Last week's debate on the opposition's motion of no confidence was a clear warning to Samak to stay alert for any political eventuality.

It should not have escaped the prime minister's attention that many MPs from his ruling party were quick to lodge protests whenever opposition members touched on Thaksin in their censure speeches. In fact, PPP MPs appeared more eager to shield Thaksin than to protect their own prime minister and seven Cabinet members.

To a political veteran like Samak, this is a firm indication that Thaksin still wields political influence. Any blunder on his part when dealing with Thaksin may bring about political mayhem and a possible rift within the PPP.

Although the government survived the censure debate, Samak has yet to steer his government out of the political storm triggered by Thaksin's legal wrangling.

Because of prescribed proceedings for corruption cases, the outcome of a judicial review will be an unequivocal guilty or not guilty. There is no room for suspended sentencing. By this year or early next, the Supreme Court is expected to hand down its decision on the Ratchadaphisek Road land case, the first graft case involving Thaksin and his wife, Pojaman.

Samak has no involvement in the litigation, but Thaksin's first verdict will also be Samak's first political time bomb.

For almost two months, the People's Alliance for Democracy has been inciting a conviction sentiment against Thaksin in the court of public opinion. Samak should brace himself for any mayhem that may erupt if Thaksin wins an acquittal. Street protests are like burning coals that can kindle a great fire to engulf the government if inflamed.

Thai opinion-makers should also start thinking about how they should rein in their runaway feelings. Should Thaksin lose his court battle, Samak will still not be off the hook. His allies may pressure the government to intervene and rescue him from punishment. The time-consuming process needed for granting a pardon, by either legislation or royal clemency, may be catastrophic for the government.

It may be wise for Samak to start plotting his survival by depoliticising legal issues relating to Thaksin.