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SIDELINES

Samak survives in a battle of borrowed swords

Political adversaries have finished playing their perfunctory roles in the no-confidence debate, trading barbs in the House and bringing about no change whatsoever.



They are back on their own turf until the next verbal sparring sessions begin over budgetary allocations.

The no-confidence debate gave the opposition the opportunity to probe the vulnerabilities of the Samak government, which survived the vote by a comfortable margin due to the simply majority rule in partisan politics, which states that serious dissension hardly ever takes place.

Still, fiery opposition members managed to leave bruises on key Cabinet members regarded as cronies of Thaksin Shinawatra and as part of his system, which was responsible for rotting the national structure to its core.

Prime Minister Samak Sundaravej's stature, image and credibility were also hurt when he was forced to brave through verbal salvos from the opposition who branded him ineffective, abrasive, incompetent, etc.

One remarkable thing about Samak was that, amidst all the harsh words being directed toward him, he did not wince. At times, he even shot back with ferocity and sarcasm, particularly when his character, behaviour and mood swings become the subject of clinical analysis by a physician.

Samak is regarded as a political veteran with nothing to lose during his twilight years in gutter politics. He never expected his life-long dream of becoming prime minister to come true.

That's why he chose to make the most out of the censure debate, capitalising on the situation and turning the grilling session into an opportunity to deal with friends and foes alike.

It is hardly a secret that Samak has some reservations and objections to a number of Cabinet members, especially those who got plum assignments from their patron, who in this case is Thaksin, of course.

What could he have done to deal with these ministers? Samak used the strategy of borrowing swords to neutralise, if not jeopardise, their positions. It worked well. He just managed to conceal his glee when the Democrat Party tore apart those ministers, marshalling their shortcomings and misdeeds in office and thereby wrecking what is left of their credibility and image in the same stroke.

Though not putting them completely out of action, the allegations directed at Thaksin's cronies gave Samak quite enough justification to pursue a Cabinet reshuffle by claiming that more credible and able figures should replace those discredited ministers.

What about Samak himself? Well, as the situation stands, the country is faced with a dilemma. To get rid of Samak would mean inviting in another nominee of Thaksin - this time a real one who would surely dedicate himself to his patron.

Samak, for better or for worse, has periodically shown his resistance to pressure from Thaksin's influence and meddling. This has resulted in considerable frustration for the billionaire, whose future remains uncertain and who has an increasingly limited area in which to slither around and scheme in the light of hostile judicial proceedings.

Unless he's sent to jail in a pending libel case, Samak could still be around for some time yet. Whether he wants to fulfil the wishes of Thaksin in pushing for an amendment to the Constitution or to maintain relative independence depends on changing circumstances and public pressure.

The rally by the People's Alliance for Democracy (PAD) continues to hurt Samak and the Cabinet, but there is no present danger of immediate loss of power or a change of government by a coup.

The military instead has become the target of verbal attacks by the rally for being indifferent to the border dispute with Cambodia over the historical ruins of Preah Vihear, which threatens to affect the bilateral relationships.

The current political stand-off between protesters and the Samak government will continue even though the  Civil Court has ordered an immediate end to the rally.

This may serve as a much-needed graceful exit for the PAD before fatigue and boredom set in. It can then regroup and mobilise a larger rally for a decisive showdown if the government's repeated failures to resolve prevailing economic hardships trigger nationwide anger and outcry for a regime change.

This is based on the belief that Samak will soon run out of luck and eventually stumble in his legal battles.


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