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It took the four million people of Ireland to teach the European Union how hopes and fears can intertwine and subsequently produce the kind of fireworks that nobody expects. The "No" vote by the Irish last weekend against the Lisbon Treaty was intriguing given the generous financial and moral support Ireland received when it joined the then European Community in 1973. The country was then one of the poorest in Europe. Ireland today is no longer a backwater of Europe. It is a successful example of a country that made the most of its EU membership. Ireland now has a booming economy and is a hub for innovative information technology. Irish voices are louder these days and they have touched a raw nerve of the EU establishment.

Big countries like the UK, France and Germany were shocked by the result from Ireland, which stood at 54.3 per cent against the treaty, 47.6 per cent in favour. Established members thought the Lisbon Treaty, which they approved, would replace the failed draft EU constitution of 2005, which was rejected by France and the Netherlands.

EU leaders want to move ahead with reform plans which have been delayed due to disagreement among members. France is taking the EU helm next month and will push other members to ratify the treaty.

There was speculation in the European media that France would push hard for ratification by all the members. If that happens, Ireland will be obliged to hold a second vote. Other options could include re-negotiation of the treaty - but this would be time-consuming and cause more problems. The last option is the worst-case scenario - the expulsion of Ireland from the EU. Of course, if that comes to fruition it would damage the EU as a whole.

For five decades the EU and its predecessor organisations  have shown that Europeans can think together. With its expansion to 27 members, the EU provides a pivotal stabilising force for world peace and security, and promotes democracy around the world. But in the process of integration, some of the EU members - which are not only active but benefit greatly from the union - feel threatened by their own membership. They think they have given away too much of their sovereignty and that the body is moving away from the people it tries to serve. In the 1980s this was different, as the EU inspired European nations to strive for better systems of governance and democracy.

The new treaty contains a list of well established rights, and will be less bureaucratic. The president and foreign policy chief of the EU will control all aspects of EU diplomacy including staffing and aid policies. The European Parliament will have more power to influence or reject EU legislation. In comparison to other regional organisations, the EU is the most progressive in responding to the will and desire of the member citizens.

Indeed, Asean can learn a few things from the EU experience as it attempts to formulate its common charter. Asean has chosen a slow path based on non-intervention. The grouping has rejected the idea of collective sovereignty which has made the EU so unique. Asean is trying to turn around the top-down decision making process into a broader base of decision making involving civil society organisations. This is something new for Asean. It will take decades before the civil society components find their voice within Asean policy making. But it is a good beginning. The Asean Charter, which will become effective in January next year will provide new impetus for the grouping to move forward with better policy implementation.

The EU and Asean are akin in that they embrace roughly the same number of people - about 550 million. Both want to be people-oriented organisations but they are choosing different ways and means to attain their objectives.