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REGIONAL PERSPECTIVE

'Fukuda Doctrine II': a head-to-head approach with asean

Three decades ago, Southeast Asia was still impoverished and divided.



Anti-Japanese sentiments were also high due to fear of the impact of Tokyo's economic dominance, not to mention the horrible wartime experiences in the region. It took the courage and vision of former Japanese prime minister Takeo Fukuda to establish a new attitude and mutual trust between the region and Japan. It was not an easy task. At the height of the Cold War, Japan was seen as carrying out US strategic policies. Their strong alliance, which often caused anxiety and ambivalence in Southeast Asia, has indisputably provided stability and security in the volatile region. Japan tried its best to forge closer ties with the region and to move beyond the US-Japan axis.

In Manila in 1977, Fukuda outlined a different Japan that was non-militaristic, sincere and ready to help in making peace and realising developmental goals. Fukuda provided both emotional and physical assurance to Southeast Asian nations.

In the three decades that followed, the "Fukuda Doctrine" with its "heart-to-heart" approach, has enabled Japan to proceed uninterrupted with its ideals in regional transformation. Now, the 10 Southeast Asian countries are no longer at war and they have come under one umbrella known as Asean. They hope to set up the Asean Community in 2015. To do so, they have to significantly reduce the gaps between member countries to accelerate regional integration.

For regional integration to work well it must be consistent with global changes and challenges and this is something no single country or even regional bloc can effectively do. These are transnational issues such as the environment, boundary issues, and crime including the drug trade. Obviously, in the past few years, challenges concerning climate change and food security have emerged as the most pressing.

Last month, Fukuda's son, current Japanese Prime Minister Yasuo Fukuda, picked up where his father left off by redefining Japan's past successful diplomacy efforts and adding new objectives. In a major policy speech in Tokyo on the future of Asia, quickly dubbed the "Fukuda Doctrine II", he outlined Japan's new diplomatic thinking.

Like his father, Fukuda stressed the urgent need to reduce disparities among Asean members, which have impeded further regional integration. Fukuda junior is well-rounded and quite perceptive. He is able to see Japan's role in much broader terms than any of his predecessors, including his father, were able to.

Even without using politically correct buzzwords such as democracy or human-rights protection and promotion, Fukuda's views are global, more inclusive and less polemic. Most importantly, he places importance on developing cooperative networks that transcend the boundaries of East and West. Apart from Asean, he also attaches great importance to the US, China, Russia as well as South Asia.

He has shown a deep sensitivity towards issues related to Japan's history and its relations with Asia. His refusal to visit the Yasukuni Shrine won him the confidence of both China and Korea and reinforced Japan's standing as a peaceful and non-militaristic nation. Japan's increased security profile would need the blessing of these two neighbours. His rapport with Chinese President Hu Jintao in particular has helped greatly to reduce China's anxieties.

Indeed, Fukuda has been able to weave all these countries' common objectives together - fostering peace and stability in the Asia-Pacific region. Doubtless, this approach is received well in Beijing and Seoul as well as Asean.

Under Fukuda, Japan has been able to deepen trust and confidence with two former enemies, China and Korea. For the first time, all three major Asian powers share a common vision and are endeavouring to help build a regional community. For instance, the rapid improvement of China-Japan relations, as well as those between Korea and Japan, in the past several months has boosted hopes for the formation of a genuine East Asian community, which has been elusive since their agreement a decade ago.

In this connection, Japan has already provided funds towards the establishment of the Economic Research Institute for Asean and East Asia (ERIA), which will hold its first meeting today in Jakarta. Asean Secretary-General Surin Pitsuwan aptly described the ERIA as the linchpin of Japan's continued regional community-building efforts at the Asean and East Asian levels. Surin has been urging Fukuda to revisit and renew the legacy of his father.

In the months and years to come, the ERIA could provide intellectual input to the so-called "Asean-plus-six" process to promote economic integration within the region. The institution will set up a temporary office at the Asean Secretariat for the time being. In the future, Japan hopes that the ERIA will take on roles similar to the Paris-based Organisation of Economic Cooperation and Development.

As Japan is taking up the chair of the G8, Fukuda views the summit in Toyako, Hokkaido in early August as a manifestation of Asia's leadership in addressing key global issues including an emissions-reduction framework. It is not wrong to describe the evolution of Japan's Asian policy from the "heart-to-heart" approach three decades ago to the current pragmatic "head-to-head" framework for the next three decades. With growing interdependence and integration, the countries in the region need to put their heads together.


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