PPP Banks on pre-emptive tactics

Mainstream politics is as messy as you'd expect. After the December 23 election forced the military to return to the barracks, politicians now believe it is their time to regain power, which they had lost in the aftermath of the coup in September 2006.

Having learned from pre-coup blunders that gave space to opponents of former premier Thaksin Shinawatra to launch attacks, the pro-Thaksin ruling People Power Party (PPP) is placing its priority on pre-emptive strikes.

It takes the electoral fraud charge against former House speaker and PPP executive Yongyuth Tiyapairat in February as a sign of fresh attempts to dissolve the party, in the same way as Thaksin's Thai Rak Thai (TRT) Party.

Prime Minister Samak Sundaravej, as the PPP leader, keeps reminding the public that an "invisible hand", apparently Thaksin's enemies, has been trying to undermine his government.

Hence, PPP leaders believe they should go on the offensive before history repeats itself.

With its control of the House and the government, PPP is pushing for amending the controversial Constitution.

Whether or not the move covertly aims to free Thaksin from all corruption charges, his opponents do not take it for granted.

The People's Alliance for Democracy, as Thaksin's fierce enemy, has revived street rallies in a warning that Thaksin should not walk free.

In the mean time, rumours of a fresh coup have come up from time to time in recent weeks. Although few people believe it will happen as presently there is no provocation, Samak warns the military it should have learned from its failure of the 2006 coup that made the country's crises worse than before the coup.

Under Samak, the politics of "nominees" has emerged.

It follows the TRT dissolution that bans its 111 executives, including Thaksin, from serving in political posts for five years.

Thus, banned pro-Thaksin leaders have their men in key government posts, either to secure quotas or enjoy power over other rival factions.

Critics, however, blame the government's failure in handling political and economic problems mainly on unqualified Cabinet members.

Most ministers are suspected nominees of their faction leaders, who are among the banned 111 executives.

Thus, their views are derived from their big bosses rather than their own conviction.

Even Samak himself can hardly control factions in his PPP because, as one can expect, their loyalty to Thaksin has not faded away.

There is no good news on the legislative front either.

Since the House first convened in January, no single committee has been formed, compared to the fact that the House, when Thaksin was the prime minister, had 30 committees on various fields of specialities, including politics, economy and social issues.

Government and opposition MPs along with their advisers had used this channel to give the government advice or warnings regularly, even during seasonal breaks of the House.

Following its job description, the House is committed to set up the panels, apart from the legislative work, to check the government's administration.

The excuse that former House speaker Yongyuth had to spend most of the time, before he quit, struggling to defend himself against electoral fraud charges is not acceptable to critics, particularly the Democrat Party.

As his People Power ignores the significance of the House committees, the Democrat, the sole opposition, also cannot function efficiently in the absence of all the parliamentary components.

by Weerayut Chokchaimadon

The Nation