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Published on January 1, 2008

The state of euphoria at People Power Party headquarters in the wake of the party's election victory is understandable, but the grandstanding about naming cronies or controversial figures to the Cabinet threatens to undo the comeback of ousted politicians. Of all political parties, People Power should be the first to heed the painful lessons learned by the disbanded Thai Rak Thai Party and ousted prime minister Thaksin Shinawatra. Our crisis has much to do with a failure on the part of politicians to realise that the people's mandate is not a blank cheque for runaway power, but a covenant to serve the public with humility.

Its big win of 233 House seats could crumble like a house of cards if a miscalculation is made on decisions over the Cabinet line-up. And early signs are not at all healthy. The speculation about ministerial appointments for three cronies seen as close to Thaksin Shinawatra does not bode well for society and the former prime minister himself.

We will be able to see as early as the day the new Cabinet is announced whether our country will go back to "square one". Cronyism is unacceptable and should not be condoned under any circumstances, although it is not the core problem here. The critical issue concerns the People Power Party's false claim it can rescue Thaksin from his legal troubles. Voters pinned their hopes on the new government to end the turmoil and ministers are supposed to advance the country forward instead of becoming Thaksin's henchmen. Yet, People Power Party MPs-elect are openly talking about various scenarios designed to reverse the misfortune of one man.

Based on speculation in party corridors, Somchai Wongsawat, Thaksin's brother-in-law, is tipped to become justice minister. Either Chaisit Shinawatra, Thaksin's cousin, or Ruangroj Mahasaranond, Thaksin's ally, is slated to become the defence minister.

Even though Somchai, Chaisit and Ruangroj have the necessary qualifications for ministerial posts, the three will prove to be liabilities rather than assets if they join the Cabinet line-up at this juncture.

Somchai was a respected judge before he became the permanent secretary for the Justice Ministry. He had already reached the pinnacle of his career before Thaksin came to power in 2001.

In his own right, he is one of the most qualified candidates for the job at the Justice Ministry. But he has two weaknesses that make him unsuitable for the post - his family ties and the persistent rumours about how he has manipulated the legal machinery to favour Thaksin.

If Somchai secures the justice portfolio, Thaksin will never be able to clear his name even though every court might acquit him. Doubts would linger forever about whether justice prevailed. Without a satisfactory and conclusive settlement by due process, Thaksin's legacy will keep haunting society and rival camps will not get a resolution.

For the defence portfolio, it is imperative the new government appoint a non-partisan and respected figure to bring about a smooth transition in the post-coup period. Soldiers are marching back to their barracks and there is no justification for any political meddling, which could end up fuelling another coup. From his own experience, Thaksin should be in the best position to decide on Chaisit's suitability for the job. In 2004, the former prime minister refused to heed any warnings and handpicked his cousin as Army chief. Chaisit was a career soldier but his leadership appeared to fall short of expectations. He was promoted upstairs within a year.

Ruangroj is a long-time ally of Thaksin. The two crossed paths when Ruangroj was an aide to military strongman General Sunthorn Kongsompong, who helped push for Thaksin to win the concession to operate ThaiCom, the communications satellite.

On the night of the coup, Thaksin had hoped Ruangroj would counter any seizure of power. But it was not to be - Ruangroj was convinced to join the junta about a month before his retirement.

The problem is choosing Ruangroj for the Defence post is likely fan distrust between the People Power-led coalition and the top military brass.

Over five years in power, the Thaksin administration kept on meddling with promotions so much it triggered resentment among the military ranks. The People Power Party should not play politics with soldiers if it wants to avoid the much abhorred coup being repeated - and Thai politics will remain in a vicious circle.

The Nation