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Published on December 2, 2007

The list, according to Suriyasai Katasila, who claims to be number 50 on the list, contains a wide range of Thaksin's enemies and critics, such as members of the military junta, the Assets Examination Committee (AEC), critics, activists, journalists and members of NGOs, among others.

AEC member Kaewsan Atibodhi tops the list for his outspoken role on the committee and his vigorous pursuit of hidden assets connected with Thaksin and his family.

Thaksin's cronies and henchmen have been quiet about the list. At least they did not deny its existence. If it does exist, it is surely not for public viewing and kept only for members of Thaksin's inner circle.

During his reign, Thaksin was consumed with the arrogance of power and became abusive, with his critics bearing the brunt of his displeasure. Thaksin's top cronies were the ones who ensured that those who opposed his boss did not enjoy their days in peace and serenity.

Journalists, NGOs and labour activists were stalked and harassed by senior officials at the Anti-Money Laundering office, who also abused their power. On days when street rallies and public demonstrations against Thaksin occurred on almost a daily basis, his henchmen were working overtime to counter with sinister acts.

It was not exactly a reign of terror. There were not many dead bodies or disappearances, as in Argentina, except for the period of Thaksin's dirty war against so-called drug dealings, with more than 2,500 extrajudicial killings, 1,400 of which were revealed by an investigative committee to have been unrelated to narcotics.

If Thaksin's political cronies win the general election on December 23, those on the enemies list could find themselves the victims of grudges being settled via harassment lawsuits and other extrajudicial means.

It is not very significant to learn who might be on the list. Those against Thaksin could be dealt with gradually, with the degree and method of reprisal varying - physical, psychological or via other means, none of them pleasant.

Those who know Thaksin well enough realise that he is not a man who forgets his enemies easily. Everybody knows that forgiveness is not in Thaksin's lexicon. In previous cases, his opponents have suffered various plights.

Lawyer Somchai Neelaphaijit disappeared without a trace despite a brief period of active investigation. It was an open secret who did it and for what reason.

Another high-profile victim was a customs-clearance broker who sang about tax-dodging tricks employed by one of Thaksin's subsidiary companies. The broker was marked for execution by a key member of his innermost circle. Some of the hit men, who were junior policemen, were transferred to obscure posts.

Whether or not the list exists, Thaksin's opponents will not be allowed to live happily ever after once his cronies win the election and form a new government, as is widely predicated. His cronies, spoiling for vengeance, will certainly see to that because they have personal scores to settle as well.

Several of Thaksin's cronies are ex-Communist guerrillas who have engaged in real field combat with government forces. They were formerly university students who fled to take up arms in the jungles fighting a civilian dictatorial regime, in which, ironically, Samak Sundaravej served as interior minister. Now these two factions are working hand in glove to fight for Thaksin's return.

Any hope of political reconciliation among conflicting parties will be tested just a few weeks after the newcomers take over at Government House.

Thus far during the election campaign, Thaksin's cronies and relatives have made it loud and clear that they intend to go after their opponents with extreme vengeance in mind for "all generations still living". The warning sounds very ominous now, with their arrogance likely to intensify following what seems like a sure-fire victory in the polls.

What's more, Thaksin's cronies have become bolder and more combative in their challenges to the military leaders. Nobody is above their vicious attacks, not even Privy Council president General Prem Tinsulanonda, who remains a constant target for verbal pot-shots by Samak, the leader of the People Power Party and a self-confessed Thaksin crony.

If political pundits are correct in their predictions, no matter which side wins the election, the next government will face a stormy period. There are no optimistic viewpoints these days. If Thaksin's cronies do grab power and enjoy carrying out their vendettas, the country could really begin to resemble Argentina - not in terms of its economy, but in an increased number of cases of harassment, incarceration and disappearance.

Sopon Onkgara