
Published on August 10, 2007
Raising this issue with the public and condemning bribe-givers and their accomplices for attempting to distort the outcome of the referendum may be useful in raising public awareness so that the Election Commission (EC), which is charged with ensuring that the referendum is held in a free and fair manner, would keep a close watch to prevent the use of such dishonest practices from swaying public opinion on this very important matter.
Bringing it to the attention of ordinary citizens is also beneficial, in that fair-minded people can be enlisted to serve as the eyes and ears of the EC to make sure that those offering the bribes do not succeed.
But the reaction of the EC to all of this talk about the need to be on the lookout for alleged financial enticements for "No" votes was defensive in nature, which came as a surprise. Members of the EC lashed out at those who alerted the public about the attempt to rig the referendum outcome, calling them unhelpful. They said that anyone with such information should notify their local police, so that legal action could be taken against those who have allegedly violated the law governing referendums.
One election commissioner sounded particularly paranoid when he said that the voicing of alarm was part of an effort to prepare to heap the blame on the EC if the new charter were rejected in the referendum, or if it were accepted but with too many "No" votes registered.
That is too bad. The EC, the NLA, the government and the public are supposed to be working together to ensure the referendum is held in a straightforward manner with people voting based on their understanding of the draft's perceived weaknesses - not due to the influence of bribes. They should join hands to see to it that those dishonest people and their accomplices not only fail in their devious bid to undermine the process to restore democracy in this country, but also that they are punished for their wrongdoings. All efforts must be made to identify the mastermind of such a dirty scheme, which it would require a huge amount of money to implement.
To be fair, not all campaigners for a "No" vote should be lumped together and labelled as harbouring ill intentions for opposing the proposed constitution. The "No" camp comprises groups ranging from people who call themselves pro-democracy activists, to anti-military protesters, as well as members of the now-defunct Thai Rak Thai Party.
Not all of these groups should be accused of doing Thaksin's bidding, or of trying to stir up political disturbances, although it is true that some Thaksin loyalists are among the most visible and vocal "No" campaigners. There are others who are against the proposed constitution because they believe the charter - approved by the NLA at the behest of the military junta, which seized power by force - is illegitimate and unacceptable. Many on the "No" side also suspect that the proposed charter has been written in such a way that it would allow the military to dominate national politics and thereby compromise the country's return to democratic rule.
The military junta, the NLA, the Surayud government and many sincere democracy-loving people believe a "Yes" vote for the proposed constitution, which is far from perfect, will set the stage for a smooth transition to the restoration of democracy and offer better chances of its sustainability and future growth.
Both sides have valid arguments and the right to campaign for their political objectives within legal bounds. The most important thing to do is to make sure this referendum is a fair contest between opposing political forces, which will provide a valuable lesson on how Thais can solve conflicts rationally and maybe even learn how to begin to govern themselves as citizens in a democracy.