
They do not want outsiders meddling with their institution - no matter how well intentioned they may be.
But by blindly objecting to the proposed restructuring of the force, these former officers are clearly oblivious to public sentiment towards law enforcement, which is generally regarded as one of the most corrupt government agencies. In other words, their resistance to change only reaffirms that they have been part of the problem.
Reforming the police is seen as the boldest and most laudable initiative introduced by the 10-month-old administration, which has otherwise been largely criticised for being complacent and ineffective. After months of study, the Cabinet last week finally pushed through two bills that seek to drastically restructure the police force, with the aim of turning it into a more professional and honest agency. The bills are being reviewed by the Council of State, before being forwarded to the National Legislative Assembly.
The bills provide for a more effective merit-based system and a substantial increase in salaries for junior police personnel, especially those doing investigative work. They propose mechanisms that will essentially reduce political interference and attack the patronage system that has been a root cause of police corruption. They also pave the way for greater public participation in monitoring the force's performance through police commissions at both the national and local levels.
In order to improve public accountability, one of the bills seeks to set up independent police complaint boards. To date, most complaints about alleged abuses of power and misconduct by police have gone largely unheeded, and the public often finds the media to be their last resort.
While acting police commissioner Seripisut Temiyavej and many among the rank and file of the force have come out to embrace the proposed reforms, several retired, but still influential, officers are lobbying against the changes. The rationale for their opposition to the bills is still very much unclear but it can be seen as boiling down to one thing - self-preservation.
Refusing to acknowledge the obvious merits of the proposed reforms, these former officers are zeroing in on what they believe will help them rally opposition to the bills from rank and file members. They are resisting any idea that the police force would be put under the control of the Justice Ministry, which played a key role in drafting the reform bills. The police force is currently under the supervision of the prime minister.
Another argument being put forth by opponents of the bills is that they were drafted by outsiders with little input from those in law enforcement and, therefore, do not truly reflect the needs of the force.
But what they neglected to say is that the person who chaired the committee that was instrumental in drafting the two bills was Vasit Dejkunchorn, a former deputy police chief. Vasit was known not only as an able and a knowledgeable police officer, but also as one of the most professional and honest police-generals. Vasit is also a prolific writer with a string of well-celebrated pocket books on police and crimes to his credit. Besides, several acting police officers also sat on the committee and sub-committees.
What is interesting is that some of the former police who have spoken the loudest against the proposed reforms are products of the corrupt system that the two bills seek to address.
Their records and behaviour while in office have cast strong doubts on the credibility of their current campaign.
Of course, reforming the bureaucracy has never been an easy task, especially one with such entrenched interests as the police force. Prime Minister Surayud Chulanont deserves credit for the political will he mustered to attempt to do what his predecessors failed to do. It definitely won't be smooth sailing, but as an unelected prime minister with extraordinary power, General Surayud stands a much better chance than any other political leader to get such a tough job done.
It's sad but true that it has been a tradition for politicians to use the police force to serve their political interests. Under the Thaksin government, police officers curried favours with the powers-that-were or were made to conform to their political wishes. And it's hard to imagine that under the present structure things will change for the better under the next elected government.
For a leader sorely needing something for the future generation to remember him by, Prime Minister Surayud will be leaving behind a most valuable legacy if he is able to push through such vital reforms.
Thepchai Yong