Somkid begins his rise from the ashes

Former deputy premier Somkid Jatusripitak

Again, Dr Somkid Jatusripitak is as elusive as ever. He did not show up at the Inter-Continental Hotel yesterday to announce the launch of a new party, Ruam Jai Thai Group (Thai Unity), under his leadership.

But he did have a convenient excuse to stay behind the smoke-screen. Somkid and the two other co-founders - Pimol Sriwikorn and Suranand Vejjajiva - have been hit by the Constitution Tribunal's ruling, which barred them from politics for five years. They have decided to remain backstage for the moment, until the dark cloud disappears.

Ruam Jai Thai, formerly known as the Thamma Thippatai Group, clearly seeks to paint itself as a new force in Thai politics. It will be dominated by academics and economic and business managers, apparently trying to appeal to urban voters. Some of the big names include Dr Somjai Phagaphasvivat, a Thammasat academic, Kittirat na Ranong, former president of the Stock Exchange of Thailand, Dr Anek Laothammatas, the former Mahachon Party leader, Dr Suwit Mesinsee, Dr Somkid's top lieutenant, Dr Bhichit Rattakul, the former Bangkok governor, and Pradit Pattaraprasit, former secretary-general of the Democrat Party.

Ruam Jai Thai has not yet determined who would be its leader. But it is clear that Somkid believes he will be able to return to the political stage sooner rather than later, otherwise he would never have attempted to form his own party.

Some politicians in the Thai Rak Thai wing are hoping for an amnesty, so that they can return to politics again. But amnesty during the Surayud government is impossible. The next democratically elected government might not last for long because it looks likely to be a coalition of four or five parties at least. But the sky might become brighter after the collapse of the elected government, leading to another election and new prospects for amnesty. Then former Thai Rak Thai politicians, including the likes of Somkid, Somsak Thepsuthin or Suwat Liptapanlop, may be able to return to politics again. Thais have short memories.

It is difficult to read Somkid's mind because his deeds and his words have never matched. One thing is definitely clear now: he has an ambition to become the prime minister.

At the height of the political crisis last year, he complained that he was fed up with politics and he would like to retire to go back to his family. But somehow he hung on until the last minute, although he got a chance to show his mettle by resigning from the Thaksin Cabinet. He could never escape from the towering shadow of his former boss, Thaksin, and had to pay a dear price for it.

Thaksin handpicked Somkid as finance minister in the first term as a reward for his contribution to the Thai Rak Thai's populist manifesto and a landslide election in 2001. Before entering politics, apart from his teaching post at the National Institute of Development Administration (NIDA), he had support from three important bases - the Manager Group, Phatra Securities and Saha Group. As finance minister, Somkid wasted no time in building up a network of

financiers, bankers, indus-

trialists, businessmen, fund managers, stock market brokers, bank and capital market regulators.

Because of his pro-business policy and great ability to strike a compromise, he was well accepted by the Thai business community. He had a positive image, although he committed several policy errors such as the Bangkok Fashion hub, the Elite Card, Kitchen of the World, and tourism policies. Yet it was all blamed on Thaksin, who was also quick to take the credit for any achievements.

Thaksin never wanted to have a successor. When Purachai Piumsombun showed that he had a better or cleaner image than Thaksin, he was kicked out. When Somkid's stature rose with an aura of possible leadership capacity, Thaksin demoted him and limited his political turf.

Somkid was never considered a second man at Thai Rak Thai. When Thaksin faced the political crisis in the first quarter last year after selling Shin Corp to Temasek Holdings of Singapore, he and his wife Pojaman were thinking of having Bhokin Bhalakula succeed him as prime minister. That would have temporarily reduced the political heat for Thaksin. But Bhokin never experienced that fate.

Eventually, Thaksin trusted his inner-circle cronies such as Dr Prommin Lertsuridej and Sudarat Keyuraphan more. They urged him to fight on by going for an election because they were confident of millions of votes, mostly from rural

folk who supported Thai Rak Thai.

After talking it over with other key members of the party, Somkid had a chance to show his stand then by urging Thaksin to resign or by making his own move to resign. But somehow this never happened. The political crisis

finally reached a boiling point, and the

military was forced to snatch power from Thaksin.

Somkid's political ambition was clear when he sought to become an adviser to the Surayud government to propagate the Sufficiency Economic theory. His arrival led MR Pridiyathorn Devakula to resign as deputy prime minister and finance minister. There were rumours that the military wanted Somkid to become the next prime minister.

But the controversy caused by Somkid's appointment was so acute that Prime Minister General Surayud Chulanont had to ask him to resign within a week of his appointment. With Somkid seen as the architect of Thai Rak Thai's populist policies, it was rather bizarre that he would embrace the Sufficiency Economic philosophy outright.

Somkid, and Somsak Thepsuthin - another key Thai Rak Thai member - have never ceased efforts to form an alliance under new brand names to become the core of a new government. When the Constitution Tribunal disbanded the Thai Rak Thai and barred its executive members from politics for five years, Somsak bitter complained that he was betrayed by the military.

But, make no mistake, Somkid and Somsak will find their way to overcome any barrier. Old politicians die hard.

Political Desk

The Nation