The stage provided Thaksin with the best opportunity to live up to his words that he was washing his hands of politics.

Of course, they were in for a big disappointment. Not only did Thaksin not show any signs of remorse in the taped speech, the former PM also remained as defiant as ever. While he stopped short of inciting the crowd to continue the fight on his behalf, his every word made it clear that he needed them for what he described as his fight to reclaim his "dignity" and "justice".

It was unmistakably the same old Thaksin talking: emotional, vengeful and self-pitying - blaming his political misfortunes on everyone except himself. Thaksin painted himself as a victim of what he claimed to be political persecution. His dedication to serving the country, he said, was undermined from the beginning by what he described as a political conspiracy and media intimidation.

But Thaksin apparently knows only too well that despite his tough talk, he is fighting a force he cannot expect to defeat. While he needs to project the image of a resolute pro-democracy fighter, he appears aware that his future is in the hands of those who toppled him and the legal mechanisms they have set up. Thus, there was an extended hand toward the end of the speech to indicate that he was for national reconciliation through dialogue.

Thaksin's conciliatory remark seemed to have struck a positive chord with his two main detractors, Prime Minister Gen Surayud Chulanont and Gen Sonthi Boonyaratglin, chairman of the Council for National Security (CNS), who said they were ready to talk with the ousted leader. Neither stipulated any conditions.

Of course, after several months of political turmoil that at times has threatened to turn into violent confrontation, national reconciliation is what Thailand badly needs at the moment. But reconciliation must not come at the price of sacrificing the rule of law.

What has made Thaksin jumping mad is definitely not the erosion of democracy brought about by the September 19 coup. It is the ruling by the Constitution Tribunal to dissolve the party he founded and ban 111 executives. The ruling in one stroke destroyed what remained of the political mechanism that Thaksin hoped would one day carry him back to power, or at least ensure that his political proteges would be in a position to cover his back. The last straw was the prospect that he and his family would be stripped poor following the decision by the Assets Examination Committee to freeze their bank accounts pending investigation into charges that most of their wealth was ill-gotten. It compelled Thaksin to drop all pretence that he was not behind the months-old agitation by his grassroots supporters.

Therefore, Thaksin's offer of reconciliation raises many questions. First and foremost, one must not forget the fact that it is Thaksin who has been most instrumental in triggering the current political crisis. Despite his repeated claims that he has quit politics, there is no denying that the prolonged Sanam Luang rally would not have been possible without the kind of financial support that only Thaksin can provide. While the anti-coup motive behind the protest is just a label, its real agenda is to have Thaksin restored to power.

One must ask what kind of trade-off Thaksin would demand for reconciliation. Top of the list would be exoneration of all charges of corruption and abuse of power against him and his family. It would be a surprise if Thaksin doesn't ask for a guarantee that his family's assets not be seized and that executive members of his now-defunct Thai Rak Thai Party have their political rights reinstated.

And even if Surayud and Sonthi are desperate to have political normalcy that can pave the way for a general election in December as promised, the question is whether it is appropriate and acceptable to the public for them to strike a deal with the former prime minister.

Both the prime minister and the CNS chairman have insisted that the Constitution Tribunal and the Assets Examination Committee made independent decisions to dissolve TRT and freeze the Shinawatra family's assets. It would make them look ridiculous if their rulings were subject to negotiation - even if reconciliation is the goal. Sonthi has already shot himself in the foot by suggesting that a law could be introduced by the National Legislative Assembly to give the TRT executives amnesty. He should well understand the public mood on this issue.

Thaksin's objective is not reconciliation that would bring about political peace - but one that would save his own neck and enable his political machine to survive. If anyone has doubts about his motive, they should go back and read the transcript of last Friday's rally address.

Thaksin would have made a difference had he acknowledged at least some of his past misdeeds and told the crowd to go home. That was the least he could have done to show his sincerity about having a dialogue to end the current political impasse.

Instead of drawing sympathy, Thaksin's tough talk reaffirmed the impression that he is only fighting for himself. And his idea of reconciliation is at best self-serving.

Thepchai Yong