He ignored the middle class, partially leading to his downfall. He gave money to the poor through populist policies, squeezed the middle class and the elite, and enriched families closely associated with Thai Rak Thai through sweetheart deals.

The middle class is the backbone of most thriving democracies. In Western democracies, the middle class would not accept military intervention. But in Thailand, about 40 million people, out of a population of 63 million, are still in the agricultural and labour sectors. The number of middle-class people and independent business operators remains small. Even in Bangkok, rural people have migrated in and form the majority, outnumbering the middle class.

So what has happened to the Thai middle class, who in 1992 inspired their counterparts in neighbouring countries by calling for public participation in the democratic process? The middle class does not seem to mind that the 1997 constitution, viewed as one of the country's best, was torn up following the coup.

Thai middle-class people are quite pragmatic. They understand the political situation very well. They realise that, prior to the coup, the country had reached a political dead end.

The Thai middle class has traditionally maintained a silent voice politically. They were hardly mentioned during political campaigns in the past, but yet whenever they did say something, their words were well heeded by society. A political cliche has it that rural people elect the government, but urban people boot the government out.

Mentioning the bourgeoisie in some Western countries conjures up the image of a mass movement to topple the ruling class, but this was not the case in Thailand. After all, the Thai political landscape was changed in 1932 because of the different ideas among an elite group, not a movement from the middle class, which barely existed until the 1950s.

The growing numbers of middle-class people in Thailand is largely a result of the industrial and economic development of the past 40 years. The middle class didn't seem to mind the fact that political parties were formed by the elite or the ruling class, who focused their political campaigns on scoring votes from the massive rural population. They don't bother to form their own political parties to send their representatives to the House.

These middle-class people can live through the whirlwind of political changes as long as those changes don't disrupt their business operations. They operate well within their spot in the hierarchy of the classes between the ruling class and the rural poor.

The middle class seemed to be forgotten during general elections even though they have always had access to the country's economic wealth. Rural voters, however, have hardly ever had access to economic development, but they are mentioned far more frequently during election season.

Some academics have described Thailand's middle class as a group of people who operate under the hybrid environment of semi-patronage and free-market capitalism.

The political voice of the middle class was evident in 1992, when these people came out to protest the military-installed government.

Then, the middle class apparently went on hiatus again. The previous system of the Senate, in which the members were appointed from the civil service and various professions, was seen as a representation of the middle class. The 1997 constitution changed the equation and lowered middle-class representation in the Senate, since elected senators turned out to be representing the same groups of people as MPs.

The political monopoly of the Thai Rak Thai Party - albeit one gained via the election process - also didn't leave space for the middle class, who thought that the government wasted too much its resources on populist policies to maintain their voting strongholds. The media, viewed as a channel through which the middle class can express itself, was forced to go silent.

The last straw for the middle class however came from the previous government's failure to observe good governance. Many small and medium-sized businesses started to voice their anger during the latter years of Thaksin's term, when they felt that cronyism had started to affect their businesses.

In short, this group of people is ready to come out and make noises every time they feel that they have been unfairly treated. In particular, their social behaviour and political views are determined or influenced by their business interests.

The middle class didn't make much noise when the military tanks rolled through the streets of Bangkok on September 19 because many of them at that time felt that a change of political regime would wipe out political uncertainty.

Ironically, shortly before Thaksin stepped down, some of them even called for his resignation to get rid of the uncertainty.

As the decisions made by the middle class are not influenced by a common ideology but rather by their economic interests, their preferences could be shifting. The current economic doldrums could easily be the source of discontent towards the ruling class. The crouching tiger may be ready to roar again.

Jeerawat Na Thalang