Even if the interim government can achieve all its goals and restore democratic rule, it is still destined to fade into obscurity after the expiry of its term later this year.

Prime Minister Surayud Chulanont has faced formidable foes - and friends - bent on faulting him for the political predicament, instead of helping to move the country forward.

Surayud's leadership seems destined not to receive its due recognition, as long as "bashing" the prime minister remains a favourite sport and people vent their frustration over the complex and drawn-out turmoil in modern Thai politics.

Less than a fortnight ago, many critics turned the debate on government performance into a fiery grilling of Surayud's staid leadership.

Supporters of the ousted Thaksin Shinawatra government have an ulterior motive, of course, to portray Surayud as an incompetent in a bid to sustain the former leader's popularity.

A clique of lawmakers, seen as close to the junta, have become ardent critics of the man they installed as premier, as if they were engineering Surayud's downfall to pave way for the military to secure a stronger grip on power.

From the political sidelines, academics and leading figures have lamented about the sagging economy although they appear to overlook the fact that consumer confidence will remain low as long as the public mood is mired by political animosity.

If all sides remain trapped in vengeful politicking, there is very little that Surayud or any leader more charismatic than him can do to improve on the economy.

Without fanfare and publicity or hype, Surayud is steering the country in his unassuming manner to effect many changes across the political landscape.

In less than three short months under Surayud's leadership, the bureaucracy is up and operational once again after being rudderless for almost a year when Thaksin fought for his political survival instead of running the country.

For the past six months, the government has convinced a vast majority of villagers, particularly those in the Northeast, to abandon their false hopes in the old regime's populist policies.

Villagers are no longer reliant on populist schemes such as the Village Fund or the Special Purpose Vehicle financing. They now turn to micro-loans via specialised banks instead of depending on government hand-outs.

Thaksin's legacy in the rural areas will be judged by historians. But a repeat of squandering public funds without proper risk analysis is unlikely to happen, as many villagers and local governments have realised they were duped and wasted their own tax money.

In the transition to democratic rule, a great transformation is taking place in politics. By due process, 111 Thai Rak Thai executives, including Thaksin, were removed from the electoral process for five years.

If the new political system enshrined in the new constitution is going to have a chance of success, rogue politicians who were instrumental in eroding the state system of checks and balances should be removed from the playing field.

In the remaining six months of his term, Surayud is expected to nurture the political landscape to welcome fresh-faced politicians.

Even though many newcomers might be nominees for banished party executives, the country is about to witness a large batch of new faces in politics. The infusion of a significant number of new players is likely to bring about a new way of politicking.

With the constitution drafting process staying on course and electoral preparations intact, Surayud's remaining term will likely see a peaceful transition to hand power back to an elected government.

The crucial question to complete the transition is whether Surayud can engineer a calm atmosphere for his successor to win popular votes, as well as sufficient support from the elite.

Although the former ruling party was decimated, the rise of Democrat Party leader Abhisit Vejjajiva is far from certain, as he may secure an electoral victory - but fail to win the hearts of the elite.

Surayud has a daunting task to ensure his legacy and restore a sustainable democracy, partly because, the final outcome may be a popular leader who could struggle to lead.

Avudh Panananda

The Nation