The OIC has refrained from taking the view that the Thai-Muslims there are a minority under the oppressive rule of the majority of Thai Buddhists through the corridors of power in Bangkok. Amid the finger-pointing over who the real perpetrators of violence and unrest are, be it against the security forces, paramilitary forces, rogue operatives or the insurgents, the fact is that security measures in the troubled region are being hampered precisely by the social discontent that stokes the fire of the civil strife there.

Economic deprivation, long a source of hardship for the people of Thailand's South, remains a critical factor in resolving the conflict. The gradual apparent transformation of the conflict as one waged by separatists who champion economic advancement, improved education and the preservation of the Malay cultural heritage into a pan-Islamic jihadist movement creates further confusion as to how to deal with the problem.

Thailand's recent rejection of assistance from the United States in quelling the unrest as well as speculation that Indonesian fighters are training the insurgents are indicative of this shift towards the perception of the insurgency. This does not bode well for people in the deep South, and neither Thailand nor the OIC seeks to endorse this emerging perception of the conflict.

Thus the recent visit by OIC secretary-general Ekmeleddin Ihsanoglu to Bangkok, during which he stressed the obligation of Thai Muslims to respect the rule of law and for the Thai government to reciprocate by according Thai Muslims equal rights in the country, seems to suggest that the two elements are especially entwined in the context of the South of Thailand.

The condemnation of senseless violence perpetrated by Muslims upon fellow Muslims as well as against peaceful Buddhists would dramatically change the nature of the fighting and spare civilian casualties on both sides. However, such a measure may require further convincing regarding Thailand's efforts to create and enhance the economic lifelines in the troubled provinces.

In this context, perhaps the limited success of the Philippine military in dealing the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) may provide some solutions. Military commanders on the ground are given the freedom to employ necessary strategies to win the hearts and minds of the local Muslim population.

The Philippine military's mindset of "pacification", or forced co-optation, is slowly being substituted with the concept of "economic diplomacy". Military commanders have as a measure of success the number of businesses generated, as opposed to body counts. The whole idea is to bring the MILF into the mainstream economic life of the nation and then to talk to the rebels about giving up their arms for jobs. Veteran journalist Marites Danguilan Vitug has written extensively on this development.

One may argue that such a stratagem is consistent with Prime Minster Surayud Chulanont's unflinching policy of reconciliation and restraint in the face of total despair by both the security forces as well as the Buddhist and Thai Muslims in the deep South.

To ease the pressure on the Thai government, the OIC, which is itself under fire for its own apparent lack of unity and effectiveness, could muster up a stronger affirmation opposing violence or criminality committed against innocent civilians, be they Buddhist or Muslims, as a legitimate tool of war for the separatist cause. Islam forbids this and so the OIC must put this teaching across in no uncertain terms. Furthermore, member states of the OIC may see the potential in developing the halal food industry in the South of Thailand. Investments in factories, processing plants and training of locals for this purpose may create a long-term positive effect for the troubled region.

The attempt by the Thai government to encourage the concept of "enlightened moderation" as advocated by Pakistani President Pervez Musharraf or the idea of Islam Hadhari, or "Civilizational Islam", advanced by Malaysian Prime Minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi, requires careful consideration.

The dissatisfaction that has led to the unrest in the South of Thailand stems from a sense of alienation, particularly in economic terms. The brand of Islam practised is usually reflective of the economic conditions or the harshness of the system or environment under which Muslims endure. This can clearly be seen in countries such as Afghanistan and rural Pakistan. Malaysia for example has for a good period of its history benefited from its economic prosperity, and hence the non-violent nature of the Muslim-Malays for the most part, despite living in a multi-religious and multi-ethnic Malaysia. Thus "enlightened moderation" and "Islam Hadhari" is but the next stage in the struggle to quell the unrest.

 As the calls for a return to hard-line military action against the insurgents grow louder, the issue of poverty and economic desperation of the troubled provinces begin to fade away. A recent Human-Rights Watch report alleges that the government is throwing its support behind militias, further endangering civilians and escalating the conflict. Hopelessness and desperation compel a fight using fire with fire, which will in the end burn the whole house down.

Imran Imtiaz Shah Yacob

Special to The Nation

Kuala Lumpur

Imran Imtiaz Shah Yacob is a writer and lawyer based in Kuala Lumpur. He can be contacted at imran.yacob@gmail.com.