The reason for these restrictions is simple: the junta does not want independent international and humanitarian organisations that have the capacity and the access to pry on their society and subsequently help their citizens. Their efforts to shut out international watchers include the United Nations, which has been restricted by new regulations put in place in November of last year. Some of the organisations operating in Burma tolerate these newly improvised regulations because they want to protect their presence in the country and channel in humanitarian aid. Since there is no unity among the UN, other international groups and non-governmental agencies, Burmese military leaders have been able to successfully employ a divide-and-conquer strategy.

After the failure of the UN Security Council, headed by the US and Western countries, to pass a non-binding resolution against them, the junta's confidence has grown by leaps and bounds. Those in the top echelon in Burma know that if they stick together, no international coalition or sanction will be able to hurt them. Indeed, examples abound of pariah states that are able to withstand international pressure if they can stay in power long enough. Apparently, the Burmese junta is confident that this strategy will work, albeit amid the growing oppression inside the country and the misconduct of their low-paid armed forces.

Reports of these practices, such as systematic rape, continue unabated. The latest report by the Women's League of Chinland (WTC) is a case in point. It is the first report to provide detailed evidence of the rapes being committed by the military regime's troops in western Burma. The report documents 38 cases of sexual violence committed with impunity throughout Chin state mostly during the past five years. Almost half of these cases were gang rapes, and at least a third of them were committed by officers. They are used as a means to humiliate female minorities.

With the continued oppression inside Burma, international pressure must continue and strengthen to ensure that that the military junta will not get away scot-free. Both China and India, the two Asian giants, must fulfil their international obligations to promote peace and stability in the region. They could, if they acted in a concerted manner, influence the military junta in a positive way.

Asean also needs to do its part. Since the last summit in Cebu, the Philippines, Asean leaders have decided to soften their approach towards Burma, hoping that the regime would be responsive and open up a bit. At that time, the junta released some political prisoners, although there are still over 1,000 in jail. As the debates and the discussion heat up over the Asean Charter's drafting process, it has become clear to everyone that Burma is trying to dilute the attempts to make Asean more democratic and friendly towards civil society organisations.

It is fortunate that the government of Prime Minister Surayud Chulanont has not given in despite some soft stands towards Burma in its first six months in office.

Now Thailand is keeping to a "no contact, no change" policy with the regime there. Thailand's strong call for a more people-oriented Asean during the charter-drafting process has troubled Burma. Bangkok's call for the establishment of an Asean human-rights commission to be included in the draft charter has also met with fierce objections from Burma.

The international community must not give up on Burma. With so many crises looming in various parts of the world, members of the international community might be suffering from crisis fatigue. Regardless, they must not give the military junta the benefit of assuming that the international community is ceasing to put on the pressure.