The most notable achievement made so far was by the panel chaired by former Supreme Court judge Nam Yimyaem. The panel completed its findings, which successfully linked Thaksin's wife Khunying Pojaman, his brother-in-law Bhanapot Damapong, and his wife's close associate Kanchanapa Honghern to tax evasion charges in connection with one of the shady transactions that led to the eventual sell-off of Shin Corp. The Attorney-General's Office has decided to prosecute the case in the Criminal Court, and a preliminary hearing is scheduled for next Monday.

The same committee was poised to conclude eight other cases of alleged corruption involving Thaksin, his family members, Cabinet ministers or business associates. These cases include the controversial land deal in the Ratchadaphisek area between the Financial Institutions Development Fund and Pojaman, and the procurement of CTX 9000 explosive-detection scanners for Suvarnabhumi Airport involving Thaksin, then-transport minister Suriya Jungrungreangkit, and several others. It remains to be seen whether the committee would be able to finish its job within the remaining six months before its mandate expires. The cases of lese majeste allegedly committed by Thaksin being investigated by police have proved to be a very delicate matter. Police investigators have to handle these cases with the utmost sensitivity. The alleged manipulation of independent watchdog agencies, such as the Constitution Court and Election Commission, by Thaksin and his henchmen will be as difficult to prove as the charges that the former prime minister tried to instigate divisions among citizens particularly during his last months in power.

It was disappointing that the CNS, which - together with the Surayud government that it appointed - wields absolute power, found it necessary to try to excuse itself for passing the first six months and not having much to show for it. In the meantime, members of the public have been frustrated by continued political turmoil, economic uncertainty and social divisions that are made worse by the perceived ineptitude of the government and its mishandling of the insurgency in the deep South. Most conspicuous by its absence is the apparent lack of a game plan on how exactly the military council and the Surayud government plan to bring about reconciliation between the rural masses, which continue to support Thaksin, and the urban middle class that opposes him. The confrontation between people in the countryside, who continue to be enamoured by Thaksin's populist policies, and city people is likely to resume. That is likely to be the case unless both sides begin to take steps to engage one another in sincere dialogue to take stock of what happened during Thaksin's term. They must then draw a valuable lesson from the shameful episode that saw the undermining of the country's democracyby one politician.

Thailand's democracy will continue to remain unsafe until some common ground is found between the rural masses, who formed and continue to form Thaksin's still-formidable political base, and the urban middle class, who are almost as unreliable as guardians of democracy because of their unprincipled and cynical approach to politics. It is almost too late for the CNS and the Surayud government to do anything to bring about reconciliation between these two opposing forces. This is because both the rural masses and the urban middle class are beginning to become disenchanted with the government. 

Six months is a long time in politics. The CNS and the government must make a real effort to reconcile the rural masses and the urban middle class, reform politics and make sure the military leaves politics for good. Failing that, their carefully-honed image as the restorers of democracy will fall apart and they will be exposed as the perpetuators of the biggest hoax yet, and ones who betrayed the people's democratic aspirations.