Both countries called for an end to the attacks against civilians and innocent people by Malay separatists in the provinces of Yala, Pattani and Narathiwat. Abdullah expressed appreciation for Thailand's handling of the delicate situation in the strife-torn region by means of peace and reconciliation, and promised to lend a helping hand to Thailand's efforts to restore peace and promote development there.

Since the Surayud government came to power following the ouster of the Thaksin administration in a military coup in September of last year, Thailand has taken the initiative to try to win the hearts and minds of Thai Muslims of Malay descent in the deep South, while de-emphasising military actions against insurgents.

The two leaders appeared to have made progress when they vowed to resolve the tricky issues of how to effectively police their porous, common borders and the problem of dual citizenship, which many of their citizens hold. That should minimise any cause for misunderstanding that may result when insurgents who commit crimes on Thai soil cross the border to seek shelter in northern Malaysia.

No one can deny that friendly ties and closer cooperation between the two countries is crucial for Thailand's success in suppressing the insurgency, restoring peace and developing the troubled region. However, that doesn't mean that Thailand should not do its best to try to solve what is essentially an internal problem. Thailand's home-grown insurgency just happens to have an international dimension that concerns Muslim countries because people in the southernmost region of Thailand share a common religion with them.

The government in Kuala Lumpur is expected by the majority of ethnic Malays in Malaysia to at least show sympathy for Malay-speaking people in Thailand who claim to have been oppressed by predominantly Buddhist Thailand - though not to support their quest for independence. In its capacity as the current chair of the Organisation of Islamic Conference, Malaysia is obliged to show leadership as the champion of Muslims everywhere, of all ideological stripes.

In this context, there is a limit on how much Malaysia can do as a helpful neighbour. Thailand will still have to fashion strategies and tactics to combat insurgents, protect fearful civilian populations and re-establish a rule of law in Yala, Pattani and Narathiwat.

In a departure from former prime minister Thaksin Shinawatra's iron-fisted policy, the Surayud government promised a huge injection of funds for development programmes aimed at improving Malay-speaking people's standard of living, which has lagged behind the rest of the country. However, the government's offer to compensate them for past neglect, which was motivated in no small part by discrimination against Thai Malays by successive regimes in the past, has not been very effective because security forces first have to be able to restore law and order before the campaign to improve people's lives can even get started. The problem is that the Surayud government lacks a coherent policy for handling the escalating situation on the ground. The insurgency continues to rage while security forces and civilians are being targeted by separatist fighters with impunity. The fact that insurgents have virtually complete freedom of movement while security forces continue to dither suggests that those in the military have not been given clear-cut rules of engagement.

There is no way the government's promise to restore peace and develop the deep South will be taken seriously when security forces do not appear to be able to defend themselves against insurgents - let alone protect innocent people. Worse, even at this advanced state of the insurgency, which has now become the top threat to national security, the government is still unable to articulate policy objectives or find strategies and tactics to achieve them.