Since the September 19 coup, huge changes have been taking place in the deep South. The government has deployed a softer and more liberal approach, which local communities and civil society organisations have advocated for a long time. The National Reconciliation Commission also endorsed a similar approach.

Somehow, deposed prime minister Thaksin Shinawatra failed to heed this advice or implement any of these useful recommendations. Instead, he thought that forceful action would be enough to contain the violence and help end the long-standing conflict. During his tenure, Thaksin was the main force responsible for perpetuating the conflict. He kept dispatching his friends and associates from the police force to the area. After all, the problems in the South kept the public's mind off of the daily problems confronting the government.

All of this seems to have changed under the leadership of Prime Minister Surayud Chulanont. He is neutral and has no political ambitions, so it has been easy for him to initiate change. Immediately after taking power, he made a historic apology to citizens living in the three southernmost provinces for all of the wrongs that previous governments had committed against them. In the past four months, he has tried to go beyond mere rhetoric with both military and non-military initiatives. Restoring order and bringing peace and prosperity to the troubled South is a top priority of the Surayud government.

In order to contain the threat of insurgents, the government has revived the useful Southern Border Provinces Administration Centre, which was shut down in 2002.

Now stakeholders in the deep South are coming back, together with their lists of problems and prospects. Security forces, which had been made up of police officials put there by the previous government, have been withdrawn and professional military personnel are in place to provide safety and security.

Tangible programmes to boost the economic conditions in the area, including income-generating schemes for southerners, are producing positive results. Likewise, measures to promote education both in modern and traditional institutions are being carried out simultaneously. Community building and an overall sense of trust is increasing, while the government is working closely with civil-society organisations to address issues related to injustice, wrongful arrests of Thai-Muslims and compensation for the families of victims of the Kru Se Mosque and Tak Bai incidents.

But there is only so much that Thailand can achieve alone. With sincere assistance from Malaysia, the country is capable of doing much more. Take, for instance, citizens holding dual nationality. Each side must encourage their own people to respect and be loyal to the land they are living in. They can live on either side of the border, earn their living, and live in peace. They can prosper together. To do that, support from the governments of both countries is crucial.

Furthermore, there are areas where Thailand and Malaysia can come together to initiate and boost the confidence and well-being of southerners. One of these areas is human resources development in pondok schools, especially in the areas of occupational training, including information technology. Providing them with this basic level of assistance would increase the competitiveness of Thai-Malays studying in pondok schools and under other forms of traditional schooling.

After all, a lack of knowledge, proper training and jobs is often cited as reasons for discontent in the deep South. Malaysia's vast knowledge in information technology and cyberspace would be most helpful in shoring up this lack of knowledge. We must afford peace the opportunity to take root in the deep South, but to do that the two prime ministers must understand that the dividend of peace can grow from their encounter.