SIDELINES
Does Chavalit make noise just to hear himself?

Chavalit Yongchaiyudh, ex-premier and ex-many-other titles during his peak years, is not entirely finished yet, or so it seems.
Emerging the other day to make an ambiguous statement, as always, the old soldier croaked that destiny would eventually dictate his final years. Those who are familiar with Chavalit's behaviour cannot help but shudder at the thought of his return to active politics, especially when there is only a slim chance of Thaksin Shinawatra staging a comeback soon, now that criminal proceedings are shaping up to keep him busy in legal battles for years. When he announced his retirement from politics about two years ago, not many people believed Chavalit could resist the temptation, if given a scenario in which he alone could revive the country from the structural decay inflicted by the massive corruption and cronyism of the much-hyped "Thaksinomics". Whether those who enticed him out of retirement to return to gutter politics have something up their sleeves or good intentions, there is no use wasting words on argument. Chavalit has always been the final decision-maker for himself, though there have been frequent flip flops along the way. There is a long-standing and dark joke among his friends and subordinates that if anyone wants Chavalit to do something, the person must stay with him until the job is done or the decision is made. Leaving him with somebody else is a total risk. He tends to be swayed by the last person who sticks with him. Of course, there are people who admire his brilliance as a shrewd strategist, whose moves are unpredictable to friends and foes alike. That was when he worked as an adviser, mostly behind the scenes, for his boss. Yes, to him there is just one - former prime minister, General Prem Tinsulanonda. Alas, when he became prime minister, Chavalit did not have somebody of his own calibre as adviser. So he made many wrong moves and decisions. The top strategist in politics turned out to be a babe in the woods, bumbling and blustering along. The darkest stain was his decision to devalue the baht in July, 1997, causing financial mayhem in many countries. Nobody had ever thought he was capable of ruining the world's entire economy with the so-called "tom yam kung disease". The ambiguous comments about his support for political aspirants, and his own destiny at the dictate of the Almighty, sent a mixed signal that he would return to politics only when the fate of the Thai Rak Thai Party is clearly known. There is an ongoing trial in the Constitution Tribunal, following complaints that the party broke the election law, and the party could be punished by dissolution. "In that case, we might have to contemplate other possible options, such as founding a new party," Chavalit told reporters. Chavalit might want to prove that there is life after death in politics, as claimed by former Israeli foreign minister Abba Eban. In gutter politics, Thai style, political resurrection is easy, no matter how disgraced or tainted a politician might have been. The old soldier is a living testimony to this claim. Thai politics harbours a refuge or a resurrection process for politicians to undergo "human laundering" - as seen in the Thaksin Cabinet, which looked more like a gallery of rogues. As long as Thaksin's populist policies pleased the rural masses and gained votes for him, nobody really cared about the extent of the big-time corruption the current administration is trying to unravel. For Thai Rak Thai's leftovers, Chavalit seems an ideal choice. There is no need to discuss quality or competence, as long as timing and other ingredients suit the party. His 75 years of age serves as a strong asset because Thais respect elderly people, in line with the traditional seniority and hierarchical system. Chavalit can be a compromise choice for those who want to fight for meaningful positions in the party. Or maybe nobody actually wants to be party leader? Before Chaturon Chaisang took the job, he showed the utmost reluctance and needed a lot of persuasion and prodding before he accepted. We also knew from Chavalit's chortling that he has been in contact with Thaksin, now in exile in China, claiming that he had to change phone numbers many times just to avoid tapping. He also complained his residence had been under constant watch by people who hid in a room on the seventh floor of a condominium opposite. With just a few comments, Chavalit will surely get attention, lukewarm or otherwise, though he has been seen as a man who belongs to yesterday. Well, we cannot count him out yet, though the latest scene might just be a clowning-around interlude to the real show, which is yet to resume after the general election. But nobody knows when it will take place.
Sopon Onkgara
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