As secretary-general of the Council for National Security (CNS), Winai has raised doubts that he may be using the CNS to launch a political career.

The key question being asked is whether it is only Winai who may want to cling to power or if other coup-makers might "feel the same".

The question is getting louder as Winai appears to widen his network of contacts among politicians. He also wields influence over the screening of legal experts tasked with legislative duties and the drafting of the new charter.

Although CNS chairman General Sonthi Boonyaratglin led the military intervention to repair political flaws, Winai may succeed in stealing his thunder by steering the CNS in a whole new direction.

Sonthi and Winai have long ties dating back to their days in the Pre-Cadet Class 6 at the Armed Forces Military Preparatory School.

The two are also fellow graduates from the Chulachomklao Royal Military Academy. But they were never close professionally.

Born in 1948, Winai entered military service in 1969 and gained prominence after becoming the son-in-law of late coup leader Admiral Sagnad Chaloryu.

Sonthi rose slowly through command positions while Winai was networking with powerful figures to advance his career via staff positions.

Winai once served as aide-de-camp to former Army chief General Arthit Kamlang-ek.

He won professional recognition as a staff officer and held several key positions in the fields of military intelligence and security.

His assignments included director of the Directorate for Joint Intelligence, Supreme Command headquarters in 1997, and force commander of the United Nations Transitional Administration in East Timor in 2001.

With the blessings of deputy premier Chavalit Yongchaiyudh, he became secretary-general of the National Security Council during the first Thaksin Shinawatra administration.

By chance, Sonthi and Winai crossed paths in 2005. Thaksin had been re-elected for his second term and street protests had started spreading.

As the situation became increasingly volatile, the embattled premier was forced to pick Sonthi as Army chief. He also made known his dissatisfaction with Winai's performance. This prompted the two generals to stick together for their own survival.

If the coup had not happened, Sonthi and Winai were both slated to lose their jobs.

As events eventually unfolded, Sonthi relied on his experience as field commander to seize power but he needed Winai's political savvy to make the coup acceptable domestically and internationally.

From day one after the peaceful seizure of power, every decision of the Council for Democratic Reform (CDR) was prodded by Winai. He managed to install "his clique" of legal experts, led by Meechai Ruchuphan, for the writing of the Interim Constitution.

This group moved on to dominate the National Legislative Assembly - and might gain control over the charter drafting.

After the CDR was transformed into the CNS on October 1, Sonthi enlarged the composition of the coup council from six to eight members. Yet Winai's influence remains strong.

Avudh Panananda

The Nation