BURNING ISSUE
ONE strong case would be enough

Claiming that an aide to Thaksin may have been linked to Somchai's abduction was an astute move
The Council for National Security (CNS) has a vital role to play - similar to a scaffold erected to facilitate work on political flaws. And like any temporary structure erected to aid construction, the CNS will be taken down when the job is done. CNS chairman General Sonthi Boonyaratglin is fighting an uphill battle if he wants to ensure his legacy for the future. If Thailand successfully restores democratic rule by this time next year, coup leaders will at best be remembered for their intervention to rescue the country from tyrannical leadership. Sonthi and his military allies may win some measured praise from historians. But they will remain at the centre of a debate on their use of force to tamper with popular democracy. Even if they do repair and enhance political mechanisms, many advocates of democracy will harbour reservations about their usurping power. Military coups are a dire political sin even if conducted with the best of intentions. Should the CNS fail to complete its mission or decide to cling to power, a severe public backlash would result. Coup leaders would be condemned to suffer the eternal inferno of Hell rather than a political afterlife in a lesser purgatory. Fewer than two months have elapsed since the September coup and critics already question when the CNS will relinquish power. Supporters and opponents of the Thaksin Shinawatra regime highlight the supposed delays in prosecuting the deposed premier and his allies for alleged policy abuse and graft. One side wants to clear its name while the other seeks to bring culprits to justice. And both sides blame the CNS for "stalling" their endeavours. The CNS cited four justifications for its seizure of power. They were social division, corruption, a collapse of the system of checks and balances and suspicious activities seen as offensive to the monarchy. To some critics, the CNS has made no headway in resolving any of these - particularly corruption. In defending his job performance, Sonthi launched a publicity blitz last week to highlight CNS efforts to untangle Thaksin's tentacles of power and restore checks and balances. At a news conference his key message was the CNS was close to resolving the case of missing Muslim lawyer Somchai Neelaphaijit. He said a former Cabinet member admitted an aide to Thaksin had masterminded the abduction of Somchai in 2004. He is presumed dead but investigations have stuttered over a claimed lack of evidence. It was the first disclosure that the highest echelons of the previous government may have been involved in the Somchai case - possibly including a direct order from Thaksin himself. It was an astute political move by Sonthi to drop a hint implicating Thaksin. Many high-level investigations were set in motion after the coup but to date none of the alleged acts directly linked the deposed prime minister. The Somchai case may become a clincher in proving Thaksin abused his power. It remains to be seen, however, if the CNS can subdue the former leader and hold him accountable for other misdeeds. The CNS needs just one strong case to prosecute Thaksin and prove it was his obsession with power that caused democratic rule to be derailed. Due process is ultimately not about harsh prison terms or huge asset seizures but a deterrent for future wrongdoing. If Thaksin is allowed to elude justice a perception of unfairness will persist that military intervention was partly in vain. The CNS still has its year to accomplish its goals. Even if it cannot meet these because of time constraints, it must be prepared to fade out on the expiry of its term. Clinging to power would only cause a fragile situation to spin out of control.
Avudh Panananda The Nation
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