Thaksin talked big, thought big and, in the end, bit off more than he could chew. He put Thailand in an awkward position as he tried to boost the country's international standing through a number of ill-conceived initiatives, of which the Asian Cooperation Dialogue (ACD) is a chief example. ACD is likely to die a natural death as nobody seems to want to do anything with it, unless the Chinese and India find ways to exploit the forum for their own gain.

The Ayeyawady-Chao Phya-Mekong Economic Cooperation Strategy (Acmecs) will survive if the government continues to pump seed money into the system. But it will be interesting to see how the new government addresses the thorny issue of conflicts of interest in various projects, including contract farming in neighbouring countries and construction of roads connecting with neighbouring countries.

Burma's so-called road map to democracy never got off the ground. Thailand deluded itself into thinking it could be seen as an honest broker between the Burmese junta on the one side and the opposition parties and ethnic rebels on the other.

On numerous occasions, Thailand stuck its neck out for the military state and paid dearly for it as the country's international standing took a nosedive. Apparently, the interim government is expected to play softball with Burma for the sake of continuity. If that is the case, Thailand is putting itself in the same unsociable league as Burma.

One good thing about the coup is that the new government will be given a free hand to do the right thing if it chooses to, because it does not have to take into consideration the usual political calculations or compromises.

Fifteen years ago Anand Panyarachun put forward a number of initiatives that were in line with national and regional interest after he took up the post of prime minister following a military coup. Everybody spoke in one voice on a wide range of regional issues including the Asean Free Trade Agreement, the most important initiative among Southeast Asian nations since the end of the Cold War.

Even when he was permanent secretary for foreign affairs in the mid-1970s, a decade and a half before his premiership, Anand worked with the then foreign minister Chathichai Choonhavan in opening up diplomatic relations with China. They helped pave the way for the historic visit to Beijing by the late MR Krukrit Pramoj, the then prime minister.

Surayud, on the other hand, has come on the scene at a time when Asean is looking to redefine itself but continues to suffer an identity crisis. There has been talk of an Asean Community and an East Asian Community, which would include the three Northeast Asian countries China, Japan and South Korea, but nothing tangible has come of these ideas. The prime minister must not squander this opportunity but assert himself to make a positive contribution to promoting Asean's sense of community.

On regional issues, Surayud and newly appointed Foreign Minister Nitya Pibulsonggram are expected to continue with conventional Asean posturing on the politics of the regional grouping until their time is up in 12 months.

Greater challenges will come out of domestic issues, such as the insurgency in the Muslim-majority deep South. In the mean time, the testy non-governmental organisations will be demanding a bigger say in foreign affairs, such as a rethink on relations with the repressive Burmese junta.

We must not forget that the Foreign Ministry's top echelons collaborated with Thaksin in conducting diplomacy designed to promote his self-aggrandisement and advance his selfish interests, and in so doing compromised the country's long-term national interest. Nitya must restore the professionalism of diplomats so that in the future no corruption-prone politician can damage the country's foreign policy like Thaksin has done.