SIDELINES
Disuse of power, soft approach weaken govt hands

When Thaksin Shinawatra still faced growing pressure from critics and opponents to quit the premiership and leave politics for good, a persistent question from his supporters was, "if not him, then who?"
That question was not asked again after the billionaire politician was ousted by a military coup on September 19 and replaced by General Surayud Chulanont, simply because the newcomer was able to match Thaksin in most respects except wealth. Now, the disinclination to use political power to live up to the claims for the coup and the slow process in dealing with pressing problems, especially the pursuit of plundered national assets, has given rise to a new question: "Why aren't things getting better?" More disturbing is that the question is being echoed throughout rural grass-roots communities in the Northeast, which are susceptible to instigation and disinformation campaigns by Thaksin's cronies and sinister elements. Not to mention, those Thaksin supporters who are still holding crucial institutions. Such subversive efforts were emboldened by the government's slow action on the investigations into the assets of Thaksin and his cronies in politics and business, who continue to enjoy freedom of movement - including the rush to stash away assets in safe havens. The decision not to act promptly with an immediate freeze on assets under the anti-money laundering law remains inexplicable. Somewhere and somehow the mechanism to pursue this goal was not functioning, or was being hampered by elements still loyal to Thaksin. They are biding their time, waiting silently and patiently until the right moment to strike back and regain their lost power base. What's more, the government media apparatus continues to ignore the necessity of explaining to the people, especially those in the provinces, the evils of the previous administration in terms of massive corruption, cronyism, abuse of power and the plundering of national assets, among others. Martial law is still in force, but never enforced to subdue subversive elements and ensure national security. Thaksin's cronies still have their place in the sun, making nasty comments about the ongoing efforts at national rebuilding and the gradual elimination of problematic Thaksinomics to put the country back on the right track. Thaksin's cronies were audacious enough to challenge the government with hisses and threats about a rural mass uprising against any legal pursuit to dissolve the Thai Rak Thai Party. They disregard law and order, as has been the practice for the past five years. Who is to blame then? The answer lies with the obvious "soft approach" in the junta and the government's handling of the assets investigations. This is contrary to the junta's claim about massive corruption and what not in the Thaksin regime. Common understanding is that the junta and the Surayud government should show backbone and act with resolve in freezing the assets of Thaksin and his cronies. This is no time to pursue a compromise or a bargain. This slowness and the soft approach are creating unease among Thaksin's critics and opponents. One must not underestimate the potential and power of a man who has billions, if not trillions, of baht worth of assets at his disposal, to spend at will for either good or subversive purposes. Money can buy anyone if they are offered the right price. Doubts begin to take shape. Has Thaksin already begun to spend money to do whatever is necessary to pave the way for his comeback? Are some people in the new circle of power being compromised with a sudden increase in personal wealth? A disturbing hypothetical question goes like this. What if somebody, if not Thaksin, parts with tens of billions of baht to prevent freezing of his assets - spending just a tiny amount to save the bulk of their wealth? These questions and doubts will persist as long as there is no clear explanation or prompt action to deal with the assets of the ousted politicians. The government says it wants to follow the due process of law to prevent a possible legal backlash. If the "soft approach" was intended to dilute the potency of martial law and appease the international community, especially the West, then the purpose of the coup is not sufficiently justified compared with the damage already done. Someday there could be regret and even immense tragedy. If Thaksin and his cronies regain power, the last thing we can expect is a "soft approach" in their dealings with critics and opponents. Vendetta with maximum ruthlessness would certainly be their pleasure.
Sopon Onkgara
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