In contrast to previous NCCC selections, overshadowed by alleged political interference, the junta has removed troubling obstacles that made the agency unable to resume work.

It has effectively picked its own men to fill the nine seats, made vacant followed a Supreme Court's ruling in late May 2005, which found the nine anti-graft commissioners guilty of abusing their power for awarding themselves a pay rise.

Although Gen Sonthi Boonyaratglin, chief of the Council for National Security (CNS), said recently that some of the new anti-graft commissioners were suspected of still siding with Thaksin, the line-up of the nine commissioners has not been changed.

The NCCC busters include Panthep Glanarongran, Klanarong Chantik, Jaidet Pornchaiya, Prasart Pongsiwapai, Pakdee Pothisiri, Medhi Krongkaew, Wicha Mahakhun, Wichai Wiwitsevi and Somluck Chadkrabuanphol.

Working under the CNS's command and along with the Assets Examination Committee (AEC), the new graft busters have a clear goal.

They are looking to cleanse Thaksin's legacy and prove that the former premier and his ministers and close aides did corrupt the whole country through the Thai Rak Thai Party's populist policies.

The NCCC's four priority cases relate to the Klong Dan waste-water treatment plant, the dried longan price intervention scheme, the Bang Na-Bang Pli-Bang Pakong expressway and the sale of government rice.

In other words, the NCCC will fully implement its anti-graft law. The first target is Thaksin's Cabinet, whose members have been asked to declare their assets within a period which the NCCC sets.

The NCCC law of 1999 states that Cabinet members should declare their wealth to the NCCC. If they fail to do so or are found to have falsified their reports, they can be banned from assuming political office for five years.

To empower the NCCC, the junta issued an announcement to allow the agency to temporarily withhold or seize assets of politicians if the investigation has found an "unusual" increase in money or assets. But the period will not be longer than one year.

It means the suspected wrongdoers will not be able to use or transfer their assets during a prosecution. This could be significant in any case of Thaksin. A big part of his family assets is the

Bt73 billion received from the

sell-off of their majority stake in Shin Corp to Singapore's Temasek Holdings. This could be temporarily frozen by

the NCCC if he is deemed to have

abused his power to boost his wealth.

On one hand, if Thaksin loses any case, an NCCC ruling against him would be passed to the Constitution Tribunal. If the ruling is upheld, he would be banned from holding political office for five years.

And, if Thaksin is found guilty of building his wealth from corruption, the case would be passed to the Supreme Court's Criminal Division for Holders of Political Office.

The court would order the seizure of Thaksin's assets if he is indicted, which could mean his entire assets in Thailand. The Supreme Court could also sentence him to jail for corruption.

If he fails to appear in court, which is possible as he lives in exile in London, the court would issue a warrant for his arrest.

It could end up to be similar to former public health minister Rakkiat Sukthana, who the Supreme Court found guilty of corruption in a drugs scam. Rakkiat did not report to the court, so he was issued with an arrest warrant.

With the NCCC reinvigorated, Thaksin and his men could feel the cold, as it has a long list of alleged graft scandals in hand.

Weerayut Chokchaimadon

The Nation