A few days earlier, he said that he missed his home very much and would like to fly back after the formation of an interim government.

Of course, General Sonthi, who led a coup to topple the Thaksin government, could not go along with Thaksin's request. He said that it was inappropriate for Thaksin to return to Thailand at this time. General Surayud Chulanont, a member of the Privy Council, also cautioned against allowing Thaksin's return. He said that if Thaksin were to return home, his supporters and opponents would clash from day one and the commotion would start all over again. The remnants of the Thaksin regime are still vibrant here despite recent moves to reshuffle top military and police personnel.

At this point, you can bet that the door for Thaksin's comeback has been nailed shut - tightly. If Thaksin were allowed to return to Thailand, the purpose of the military coup would be sabotaged because the military rulers have cited bitter divisions within the country, rampant corruption and lese majeste as the three underlying reasons behind the coup. Measures are being undertaken to prevent Thaksin's return. Shortly after the coup, the Council for Democratic Reform (CDR) assigned the National Counter Corruption Commission the task of probing the assets of politicians associated with the Thaksin regime. Sensing that the NCCC might not have enough teeth, the CDR then appointed a panel led by former Supreme Court president Sawat Chotepanich

to go after wealth suspiciously accrued by politicians.

The next step that we can expect is for the military rulers to gather evidence of incidents of lese majeste allegedly committed by some key members of the Thai Rak Thai Party. If charges were to arise from this, it would further block any chance of Thaksin's return.

Already we have witnessed the smoothest coup in Thai history. There was not a single bullet fired or a single drop of blood lost.

The Royal Palace's endorsement of General Sonthi and the military coup last Wednesday helped stabilise the fragile situation. The sharp divide within the country was quickly dealt with, restoring a certain degree of national unity.

Although foreign leaders and governments were quick to condemn the Thai coup, foreign investors viewed it otherwise. They understood the gravity of the situation. After the royal acceptance of the coup, not to be confused with its intervention, they realised that the worst was over and the crisis would be contained.

The Thai stock market did not crash by 5 to 10 per cent as some local analysts expected. Instead, the SET index fell only 3 per cent. Thai retail and institutional investors were heading for the exit. What an irony!

There has not been pressure to sell Thai baht, as many people feared would happen. Instead, capital was flowing out of the US into this part of the world, including Thailand. The baht was stabilised and even strengthened following the coup.

This reflects the resilience of the Thai economy. In 1997, Thailand faced a financial crisis, but its political system then was very strong. Now, things are in reverse. Thailand is enjoying strong economic fundamentals but it is facing a political and security crisis. Although Thailand has not had a sitting government since February, the economy is doing fine running on autopilot - growing at 4 to 5 per cent.

For this reason, we are beginning to see the new face of the next prime minister, whose top priority will have to be dealing with political and security concerns. General Surayud has stepped forward as the man of the hour. His appointment as prime minister is imminent. He is General Sonthi's former boss at the Lop Buri Special Warfare Force. After retiring from military service as Army chief, he was appointed as a member of the Privy Council. His honesty and sincerity are guaranteed.

Over the past week, local news outlets have been fiercely playing the speculation game concerning candidates to assume the post of Thailand's next premier. The name of MR Pridiyathorn Devakula, the governor of the Bank of Thailand, was floated first, followed by Ackaratorn Chularat, the president of the Supreme Administrative Court. Former Supreme Court president Charnchai Likhitjittha joined the race before Supachai Panitchpakdi, the secretary-general of the United Nations Conference for Trade and Development, overshadowed all candidates with his global credibility.

But General Surayud has been the real candidate from the outset, even before the September 19 coup. When academics and members of the People's Alliance for Democracy called for Thaksin's resignation to pave the way for a royally appointed prime minister earlier this year, General Surayud emerged from the shadows as the candidate to replace Thaksin.

Going forward, General Surayud's job would be very daunting indeed. He would have to tackle the remnants of the Thaksin regime, which have become entrenched in Thai politics, the military, the police, the bureaucracy, as well as in the provinces, local districts and villages. These elements are ready to strike back at any time.

The torching of three schools in Kamphaeng Phet on Tuesday was a warning signal. This kind of incident could happen in the Northeast. The problems in the three southernmost provinces also have yet to be solved.

General Surayud would not have to worry about economic problems. If he focuses on national reconciliation, removing what Thaksin has left behind, and laying a new democratic framework, he will succeed in pushing - not pulling back - Thailand's democracy. We need to put an end to bipartisan politics and focus on national reconciliation.

Thanong Khanthong