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Tue, September 26, 2006 : Last updated 20:28 pm (Thai local time)



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Home > Opinion > CDRM must not mistake support for licence to control media





HARD TALK
CDRM must not mistake support for licence to control media

Fully armed Army personnel have been standing guard at television stations.

Media executives have been told to be constructive in their news reporting. A ban was slapped on the onscreen display of text messages during TV news programmes. And dozens of community radio stations have been shut down.

These measures make it look like Thai media outlets are under assault, prompting local and international media organisations to issue statements demanding an end to what is seen as press censorship in the aftermath of the country's first military takeover in 15 years. And indeed, most news broadcasters are already feeling the pressure and are toeing the line.

The new restrictions placed on the media by the Council for Democratic Reform under Constitutional Monarchy (CDRM) inevitably make it appear all doom and gloom for the conveyors of truth, and it would be anathema for anyone to suggest otherwise. But in reality, there are many journalists, especially in broadcasting, who are feeling more as if they can now take a breath of fresh air, rather than feel intimidated.

After all, shouldn't one feel liberated if after all these years one can for the first time report things that were considered "politically incorrect" under the Thaksin administration and thus taboo? Well, no one would imagine iTV, the TV station closely allied with the Shinawatra family, putting on air special reports about corruption in the just-deposed government. But it did a few days after the coup, just as the other traditionally subservient TV stations began touching on alleged political misdeeds of the former prime minister and his political cohorts - something unthinkable just a week ago.

The threatening words of the coup-makers aside, for many broadcast journalists the coup in a way has come as a blessing in disguise. At least it has put an end to the stranglehold that politicians of the Thaksin era had on them. After coming to power in early 2001, Thaksin systematically brought all the broadcast media under his control. Critical journalists and commentators were taken off the air or fired. The mass sacking of over 20 journalists at iTV who tried to oppose interference in editorial decisions by the management after the station was taken over by Shin Corp was undoubtedly the most blatant case of media intervention Thaksin-style.

While the coup-makers have yet to show they are serious about acting against uncooperative media outlets, broadcast journalists are finding more space to expose past political sins which they had consciously shunned the past five years. Even the once pro-Thaksin news commentators and announcers have been quick to change their colours and adapt to the new situation.

But what apparently hasn't changed is the mindset of executives at the various radio and TV stations. It's the old adage about old habits dying hard. They are so well versed in the art of internalising political demands that it has become second nature to them. So, if broadcast journalists are unable to be straightforward in their news coverage under the new political environment, it is not because they feel intimidated. Rather, it's because their bosses still believe that self-censorship is the way to go if they want to save their necks.

Let's hope that the media restrictions introduced by the coup-makers stem from their concern about the potential threat posed by the remnants of pro-Thaksin forces more than by their desire to control the media. Right from the beginning of the coup, there were indeed rumours that some elements in the armed forces still loyal to the former prime minister were plotting a counter-coup. Certain community radio stations known to be closely associated with politicians of the former ruling party also broadcast inflammatory messages.

While freedom of the press was always among the first casualties in past coups in Thailand, we can breathe a major sigh of relief that this doesn't yet appear to be the case this time round - at least for the time being - despite the announced restrictions. The print media in particular continues to publish with practically no worries about the consequences.

General Sonthi Boonyaratglin, the coup leader, is known as a professional soldier and until his seizure of power he gave every indication that he valued democratic principles. Transferring power to a provisional civilian government in two weeks as he has promised is certainly a positive step toward restoring democracy - provided that it has a free hand in running the country without military interference. But this also needs to be accompanied by an immediate restoration of full democratic rights for citizens, especially freedom of expression.

The positive public reaction to the coup may offer General Sonthi and his military colleagues some comfort but it is not in any way a blanket endorsement of their actions and what they will do next. One of the biggest blots on Thaksin's record was his interference with independent mechanisms that are necessary in providing checks-and-balances in a democratic system. Among these was the media, which was co-opted and members of which were intimidated into compromising their journalistic principles.

While Thaksin's ouster was greeted with kudos despite the unconstitutional means used, this doesn't mean the coup-makers can place themselves above criticism and scrutiny. On the contrary, in the absence of constitutional institutions of checks-and-balances, there is an even greater need for the media to hold the current power-holders accountable. And for the media to be able to carry out that crucial function, it needs unhindered freedom.

As such, responding to the demand made by the Reporters Association of Thailand and the Thai Broadcast Journalists Association to rescind all the restrictions placed by the CDRM on the media as soon as possible is the least the coup-makers can do to demonstrate their sincerity toward restoring full democracy. Institutionalising safeguards for the freedom of the press should also be one of the first tasks for the coup-makers and the pending provisional government. Articles 39 and 41 of the 1997 reformist Constitution provide the necessary guidelines.

In the interim, members of the CDRM should not only help shake executives of state-owned broadcast outlets out of their old habits of pandering to the power-holders, but they also mustn't treat them as propaganda tools like Thaksin did. It would be a betrayal of the public trust if the Thaksin-style interference with the broadcast media is replaced by a new form of manipulation.

General Sonthi should know that the smiles and flowers that greet soldiers in Bangkok and other cities are not an unconditional show of public support. They come with high expectations. They can easily turn into brickbats the moment people sense they have been betrayed.

Thepchai Yong








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