The saddest aspect of his visit, however, was that at a time when the international community and Asean were finally showing solidarity and jointly urging the Burmese junta to pursue political reforms and release opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi, Thaksin suddenly decided he wanted to pay his respects to the ailing General Than Shwe.

Judging from the secrecy and evasive comments afterwards, it was clear the visit had been hurriedly arranged to satisfy the egos of both leaders and their personal agendas.

Certainly Thaksin felt the urge to show he understood the desires of the junta and was ready to accommodate them. Indeed, Thaksin has been trying to reconnect with the new regime ever since the capital was moved to Pyinmana. The disgraced Khin Nyunt used to be Thaksin's point man.

The trip will have far-reaching repercussions. On the international front, Thailand has lost its moral authority, because the manner in which the visit was carried out did more to legitimise the world's most condemned regime rather than shed light on the appalling human-rights situation there.

Just last week, Deputy PM Surakiart Sathirathai, the Thai candidate for UN secretary-general, was telling the world how he would push for Suu Kyi's release and political reforms in that oppressed nation were he elected. If it served no other purpose, Thaksin's visit at least put the final nail in Surakiart's coffin as far as his bid for the UN's top job is concerned.

Calling the visit a success was just as pretentious as when Thailand hosted the "Bangkok Process", an effort to mediate between Burma and the rest of the world.

For Thailand's international standing, Thaksin's visit was the kiss of death, yet the government has the audacity to boast he was the first world leader allowed to visit the reclusive Than Shwe in the new capital.

Thaksin's decision to break ranks with the rest of the civilised world amid a chorus of voices from fellow Asean members, the UN, the US and Europe calling for Burma to change its course is beyond anyone's comprehension.

Did he actually think he could broker a deal between Burma and the rest of the world knowing that complete trust between our two countries was still nowhere in sight?

When Foreign Minister Kantathi Suphamongkhon met with US Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice recently, Thailand made a commitment that it would not obstruct any effort to put Burma on the agenda. With Thaksin shaking the hands of the junta, that commitment has collapsed.

Even in the waning hours of his caretaker administration, Thaksin wants to flaunt his defiance against one and all. It is in his nature to do that. His trip has also jeopardised Asean's common position on Burma that was reached during last month's meeting in Kuala Lumpur.

The decision to make this visit was an important and destructive one for Thailand, because it showed that as long as Thaksin is in power, he will do anything he can to undermine his Asean colleagues on Burma for his own interests. He wanted to show he was a trusted friend of Burma, especially at this critical juncture, with the junta more isolated than ever before.

It is hoped that Thailand's new government will dramatically change the Kingdom's policy towards Burma. Without Thaksin's strong personal interests and control over foreign policy, Thailand's direction in foreign affairs can take a more natural course. It is regrettable that nobody can undo what Thaksin has already done.