With the three defiant election commissioners forced from office, people are wondering what other agencies could feel the heat next from the turning tide of public opinion. It's a tantalising thought, considering that for five years Thaksin Shinawatra practised blatant nepotism in stacking so many departments with his cronies.

Anti-government groups have already begun to look beyond the Election Commission to "cleanse" the "Thaksin regime", which they accuse of creating a social malaise threatening the very fabric of Thai society.

Their targets are agencies long viewed as having protected Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra through his five years in power. Two stand out: the Anti-Money Laundering Office (AMLO) and Department of Special Investigation (DSI).

AMLO is believed to have been under the thumb of the Thaksin administration ever since Vasana Puemlarp, the disgraced former EC chairman convicted last week of illegally managing the April 2 election, was its secretary-general.

The caretaker prime minister and Vasana share a common bond in that they were both top police officers, a recurring theme in many top appointments.

When Vasana applied to become EC head in 2001, speculation flew that Thaksin was attempting to influence independent agencies that he regarded as a threat to his administration, especially following the 2001 asset concealment case that nearly cost him the premiership.

When another former top police officer, Peeraphan Prempooti, took over from Vasana at AMLO, the dark mutterings about Thaksin's desire to interfere in the system of checks and balances worsened.

AMLO mired itself in one extraordinary controversy when in 2002 it scrutinised the assets and bank accounts of senior editors of Nation Multimedia Group, who had been especially critical of the government. The agency claimed it had received an anonymous postcard suggesting NMG editors had been involved in financial fraud. It provoked a powerful media backlash with the PM accused of intimidating his critics.

However the agency's credibility was stretched to the limit when Thaksin's family members sold their shares in Shin Corp to Temasek Holdings, a firm owned by the Singapore government. Thaksin's opponents cried foul, alleging it completed his plans to build a formidable cash pile by manipulating government schemes.

Notable people in the financial arena alleged that Thaksin's son Panthongtae and daughter Pinthongta were involved in illegal share transactions through a dubious looking nominee firm called Ample Rich, incorporated in the British Virgin Islands.

Under mounting pressure to take a serious look at the prime minister's position in all of this, Peeraphan claimed the share transactions of Ample Rich did not fall within the anti-money laundering law, so his office would not investigate.

AMLO insisted on maintaining its distance until Thaksin dissolved the House on February 24, and in doing so, failed to bring more transparency to the deal.

In addition to AMLO, the DSI may find it cannot avoid coming under scrutiny in the near future. It was set up by the Thaksin administration, and its harshest critics claim it is merely a government tool to harass the PM's political "enemies".

The Democrat Party, in particular, is pushing hard for big changes at the DSI. It alleges the agency is attempting to undermine its credibility and has acted in the interests of Thaksin and Thai Rak Thai.

DSI director-general Sombat Amornwiwat, another former senior police officer allegedly aligned with Thaksin, has put Democrat rising star Apirak Kosayodhin, the incumbent Bangkok governor, in the hot seat with graft allegations. They include the city administration's Bt20 billion in mega-projects and the purchase of fireboats and fire engines. The latter case also involves former Bangkok governor Samak Sundaravej, former Interior minister Bhokin Bhalakula and former deputy Interior minister Pracha Maleenont.

But the DSI has hinted its almost-completed probe points to Apirak as the person who should take responsibility for what appears to be blatant over-pricing. Under his authority since assuming office, he could have cancelled the purchase, but did not. A conviction for bidding irregularities could land Apirak 20 years in jail.

For many, the department's nadir came with the CTX bomb-scanner scandal at the new airport. The Democrats allege the DSI turned a blind eye to accusations that judges, businessmen and bank officials took kickbacks - including one that involved Bt643 million allegedly paid to a middleman - from procurement of the scanners.

The party claims the DSI is protecting the government by covering up the results of a US investigation that allegedly includes documents with the names of people and firms said to have received kickbacks.

Even the Government Lottery Office (GLO) could be forced to face scrutiny. Thaksin's police academy classmate Surasith Sangkhapong directs the agency, which has come under the microscope for allegedly being a major financial resource for the TRT government, by financing its populist schemes while avoiding the scrutiny of Parliament.

Weerayut Chokchaimadon

The Nation