The Political Hall of Shame is full to bursting after news that caretaker Premier Thaksin Shinawatra will continue to fly Thai Rak Thai Party banner in the new election.

Government politicians will go down in history for conspiring to hoodwink voters to elect the embattled Thaksin. They are hoping his popularity to allow them to cling to power despite realising he is no longer fit to lead the country.

In a nutshell, they are touting a product, knowing full well it is defective, in a desperate move to remain in power.

These infamous politicians includes Suriya Jungrunggrean-gkit, Somsak Thepsuthin, Sudarat Keyuraphan, Suwat Liptapanlop, Newin Chidchob, Sontaya Kunplome, Chaturon Chaisang, Adisorn Piengket and Pinij Charusombat.

In the months leading to the February 25 House dissolution, street protests showed Thaksin's leadership was the root cause of unprecedented social division.

The controversial sale of Shin Corp in January fanned anti-Thaksin sentiment to a frenzy, as more and more people came to realise the harmful consequences of his leadership. But instead to trying to accommodate his critics, Thaksin called a snap election with the hope of using his power and popularity to quash his critics.

The main opposition parties decided to boycott the poll, but the ruling party went for broke and contested the ballot virtually unopposed. The voting results deepened the crisis. Thai Rak Thai won the April 2 election, but the poll made a mockery of the electoral process, as voters had few other choices in terms of who to vote for.

The number of "no votes" soared to an unprecedented level. Thaksin chose to overlook the voter's wrath and trumpeted only votes cast for his ruling party.

He then proceeded to engineer a political "break" in order to work behind the scenes for a comeback. His low profile helped pacify anti-Thaksin sentiment briefly but debate on whether he should step aside for good still rages.

With the country divided and facing an uncertain future, His Majesty the King advised the judiciary on April 25 to intervene and sort out the mess triggered by the botched vote.

Heeding the royal advice, the opposition parties said they were ready to contest a new poll.

But Thaksin returned to the top office last month, claiming he needed to come back to boost the slowing economy and confront the "resurgent drugs crisis".

The three top courts issued a number of recommendations to end the political crisis. But the Election Commission (EC) has ignored the judges' demand for them to stand down so they can restore credibility to the electoral process.

Relevant parties have now agreed that the new election should take place on or about October 15. But preparations for the new poll appear to have stalled.

The three EC members have stubbornly clung to office and appear indifferent to the political uncertainty created by their refusal to step down.

The caretaker government, meanwhile, hastily submitted a draft decree on the new election for royal approval. Almost a month has passed and the decree has not been enacted. Pundits say that is because certain provisions would protect the EC from legal action, and the election body is seen as vital to the ruling party's chances of being re-elected.

Turning a blind eye to the division he has caused, Thaksin marches on even though many say he has lost the credibility to rule.

The ruling party is facing serious charges that it bankrolled of small parties to contest the April 2 poll. The survival of Thai Rak Thai appears to have been put before national interest.

While people await the outcome of such legal cases, government many politicians continue to remain aligned to Thaksin because they know he still has support in the provinces and wealth to back his aims. Even if the ruling party faces being disbanded later, "his" MPs may simply be able to adopt a new party and move on.

So long as they refuse to sideline Thaksin, the turmoil will not end any time soon.

Avudh Panananda

The Nation