It is the kind of wishful thinking that many people in this country have desperately clung to. But the Constitution Court's decision quickly returned them to the harsh reality of Thai politics. Now they know that things don't always work out neatly, no matter how fervently the public wants them to, and that in our corruption-prone political system democratic institutions don't always do what they are supposed to.

The corruption-prone system of patronage, a key feature of Thai society, has been expertly exploited by Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra and his Thai Rak Thai Party, first to gain political power in 2001 and then to undermine checks and balances against the government, enabling them to pursue selfish interests virtually unchallenged.

The crisis of confidence that has befallen the government since the lucrative business deal between the prime minister's family and Singapore's Temasek Holdings early this year has exposed Thaksin's serious lack of scruples, self-serving tendency and flagrant conflicts of interest as a national leader who continued to actively pursue private business interests.

The huge anti-Thaksin protests by the urban middle class and civil society may have compelled Thaksin and his party to lie low for now, but the power of patronage that he exercised so cynically over the past five years to win friends in various watchdog agencies should not be underestimated. Indeed, Thaksin's many powerful friends in various "independent" watchdog agencies may well play a decisive role in ensuring that the beleaguered prime minister and his party survive the current onslaught and perhaps even stage a triumphant comeback.

The Constitution Court's ruling yesterday was widely seen as an anti-climax. Last month, the Constitution Court gave the Election Commission (EC) a slap in the face when it ordered a new poll to be organised after nullifying the April 2 election. The court said irregularities in setting the election date and lack of voter confidentiality rendered the election unconstitutional.

The Constitution Court took up the case against the EC after His Majesty the King called on the judiciary, Constitution Court and Administrative Court to intervene to end the political deadlock.

At that time, the Constitution Court's decision helped relieve political tension caused by growing confrontation between the anti-Thaksin camp and his supporters, comprised mostly of the rural masses. In a way, the drastic reduction in tension was not all bad for Thaksin and the Thai Rak Thai.

The Constitution Court's ruling yesterday appears to give the EC - under enormous public pressure to resign for being biased in favour of the Thai Rak Thai - a much-needed reprieve. The EC has been dragging its feet on findings by its own investigation panel of strong evidence to implicate the Thai Rak Thai Party in electoral fraud. Now the EC is considering whether to dissolve not only the Thai Rak Thai but perhaps also the opposition Democrat Party for alleged lesser offences.

Things may not be what they appear. The public must remember that it was the same Constitution Court that let Thaksin off the hook in a controversial ruling in 2001, when he was indicted by the National Counter-Corruption Commission for concealing assets.

Thailand as a struggling democracy has yet to disentangle itself from this political mess of its own making. It is worth noting that Thaksin could not have come this far without the active help of his co-conspirators, the support of impressionable masses mesmerised by populist windfalls, and the acquiescence of the majority of Thais, who overlooked one corruption scandal after another in their eagerness to share in the economic pie he dangled before them.

It will take a while to get out of this political quagmire, but the most important thing is the lessons learned from this sad episode.