By now, it has become clear to everyone that Thaksin does not have either the credibility nor the morality to serve as the custodian of Thai democratic values, let alone claim to represent them. This is an important point. Most of the arguments supporting Thaksin's actions have so far dwelt only on their legality, without considering ethics and morality of leadership.

Taking the bizarre April 2 snap election as an example, it was clear from the beginning that the whole arrangement was a fraud. But the Election Commission turned a blind eye to everything that was wrong. Since the poll, the vote counting has been slow and one can easily deduce that there has been ballot-stuffing going on.

If the current Election Commission is made up of men with integrity, the electoral outcome should be nullified. Irregularities will surface and receive media attention. Under the leadership of Police General Vasana Puemlarp, the commission has become a stooge for politicians. Complaints from opposition parties and civil organisations are not taken up seriously for investigation. To compound the problem, the agency has chosen to muddle on with by-elections on April 23 in hopes of convening a full House in early May.

Obviously, when it comes to elections, the Western media and international community at large will not tolerate any poll boycott as they view elections as a sacrosanct feature of democracy. Rigged polls, in their view, are better than no polls at all. That helps to explain why many dictatorships are working hard to hold elections - rigged elections, that is - or else they could be faulted for not allowing people to exercise their choice.

For Thaksin, it has been a triumph of media propaganda. In addition, almost every newspaper and editorial around the world has said that Thaksin resigned as a prime minister. He has not yet done that. What he said was that he would decline the premiership in the next government. He resigned from a position that he did not yet hold, which is preposterous.

Before he left for Europe, he said the government could be formed on May 5 following the convening of the new House of Representatives - a clear indication that the Election Commission is determined to push the by-elections through, whatever it takes. That means there will be repeat by-elections in various constituencies until all 400 constituency seats are filled.

Thaksin and his lawyers will proceed with the opening of the House by saying that the current political impasse needs to be overcome or else the caretaker government will stay on forever and political reform cannot begin.

When Thaksin declared in a live TV broadcast on April 4 that he would serve as caretaker prime minister until the next government is formed, he gave the impression that it was the outcome of the King's whisper to him. Certainly, nobody can confirm this. But it was important for Thaksin to give this impression, as it would pre-empt any attempt to pressure him further.

Apparently, the Thai Rak Thai will continue to dominate the political reform process after the selection of a planned constitutional reform committee made up of members drawn from various disciplines. The amendment of the Constitution will take roughly a year, after which it will be put to a national referendum.

Sad to say, the two-month-long struggle by the People's Alliance for Democracy (PAD) would have been more effective and dramatic if its leaders had pressed for political transformation without Thaksin's leadership. The PAD's appeal for royal power and assistance, which were seen as signs of helplessness, had the opposite effect altogether. It allowed Thaksin to sustain his political presence.

Thai Rak Thai insiders are confident that the party's "doing things right" approach will vindicate them eventually. For one thing, there will not be any "divine" interference, as many would have hoped, and the party will continue to excel at what it does.

In the long run, Thaksin remains the pitfall. He will be more dangerous as he could further divide Thai society with his wicked schemes. His complete lack of core values makes him a genuine political monster. The trail of destruction he has wrought in Thai society will become more visible.

It remains to be seen how this ongoing political turmoil will eventually end. As of now, nothing has been settled. But two things are clear - the Constitution is alive and well, and the public's awareness of their ballot power has increased. Vibrant public participation in debates, more transparency from those in power and eliminating conflicts of interest should become the template for the future of Thai democracy.

Kavi Chongkittavorn