The tide seems to have turned a bit in favour of Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra. Over the past week, a number of foreign commentators have described the anti-Thaksin demonstrators as an unproductive force able to derail the country's democracy, because they haven't acknowledged the election results.

They argued that instead of trying to oust Thaksin by marching in the streets, they should have followed the result of the ballot box and accepted the voters' verdict, as in other democratic countries.

But democracy is a process not limited to the polls alone. The voting result may have seemed final, but the People's Alliance for Democracy and other critics of the Thaksin regime had good reason to take to the streets.

First of all, the rallies would not have become so large had the checks-and-balances system in Thailand been working to its full capacity.

By early February, the hype of media tycoon Sondhi Limthongkul had already lost its intensity. The audiences at Lumpini Park didn't think Sondhi was providing any new information on Thaksin's alleged abuses of power, as he had in the early weeks.

However, the pro-democracy groups sprang back to life and were up in arms again after the Constitution Court on February 16 tossed out the impeachment petition against Prime Minister Thaksin.

The people wanted the court to question Thaksin on their behalf over allegations that Thaksin and his family had violated the law, as they might have benefited from insider information on the tax-free Bt73-billion Shin Corp deal.

However, the Court refused to take the case, prompting the people to take to the streets to seek Thaksin's explanation. Their discontent and anger built up to the point where they eventually forced Thaksin to step down.

Thaksin has never given any explanation of allegations of asset concealment. Every time someone popped the question, Thaksin referred to his 19 million votes.

A number of foreign commentators have suggested that if the street protests continue in Thailand, demonstrators might derail the democratic process. They compare the situation with that of Philippines President Gloria Arroyo, who is also facing street protests calling for her resignation.

Like Thaksin, Arroyo can still claim her legitimacy.

Like Thaksin, she came to power in a general election. Her international reputation is still intact because she doesn't face impeachment, like her predecessor Joseph Estrada.

Like Thaksin, Estrada was accused of using government policies to benefit his friends. The charges against him justified anti-Estrada protesters pouring into the streets to demand his downfall.

Even after being forced from office, Estrada must still defend himself in court.

Estrada's opponents realised that demonstrations and political tactics alone were not enough to take away his legitimacy to govern, especially in the eyes of foreigners who viewed the ballot box as the only sacred tool in democracy.

However, anti-Thaksin demonstrators may have adopted the wrong tactic if they hope for support from international observers, as so far they have been unable to nail Thaksin with one single charge, instead of cornering him with dozens of allegations. What foreigners have apparently failed to realise is that Thailand's checks and balances mechanisms have been too weak to take Thaksin on.

Middle-class crowds realise this point, and they have been eager to join PAD's demonstrators because they want to hear more charges against Thaksin. Some of the criticisms have been exaggerated, but they've been music to the ears of the audiences. The Thaksin government's strict control over state television and radio has also made people hungry to hear more criticism of the regime. The audiences have given speakers the benefit of the doubt, as the government has never moved to clear up any of the allegations.

Demonstrations, and particularly peaceful demonstrations, are part of a democracy, to show civil disobedience towards a regime. Thaksin may have felt able to discredit the demonstrators by citing the poll results in his favour, but the crowds knew that sometimes legitimacy cannot be measured by numbers alone.

The Thai demonstrations were pale in comparison with those of France, where protesters against a new employment law burned cars and ransacked cities. A number of countries found inspiration in the French example of democracy. Yesterday, the French government abandoned the new employment law, bowing to intense pressure from the streets.

Thailand has seen quite a few demonstrations in its past, and the end of each one helped move Thai democracy to a higher level.