General Sonthi Boon-yaratglin, the first Muslim to serve as the Army's commander-in-chief, is entering the most important period of his career, if not his life. Will he write a fresh chapter in Thai political history?

When Sonthi and caretaker Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra met on Wednesday they discussed two key issues: next month's Army reshuffle and the general political situation.

Sonthi did not blink. He told reporters there was no immediate need to declare a state of emergency, as the anti-government protests remain largely peaceful.

Obviously Sonthi is aware of his great responsibility. He knows the public - indeed the whole world - is watching him. He knows full well that whatever transpires in the near future will have far-reaching implications for the public perception of the Army and its professionalism.

"It is an epoch-making moment for him and for the Army," said one of his close aides.

Interviews with reform-minded senior officials show that the attitude of the Army has changed tremendously since 1992, when the kind of urban disturbances witnessed over the past month would have drawn immediate reaction and suppression.

"But so far, the Army has taken a rather detached view," the aide said. But that doesn't mean it is not interested in the mass mobilisation of civil society organisations. Under Sonthi's command, the Army perceives itself as "taharn khong phaendin" ("the Army of the land") - nothing more and nothing less.

Earlier in the week, discussions within the Thai Rak Thai Party focused on one important issue: how to disperse the demonstration headed by the People's Alliance for Democracy (PAD) ahead of the scheduled election on April 2.

They, including Thaksin, were contemplating the possibility of declaring a state of emergency and arresting the alliance's key leaders in a sweep. If this were to happen, the cooperation of the security forces would be indispensable.

But Sonthi was adamant the current situation does not warrant military intervention. It was the second time he had reiterated the Army's position. Both sides know that with thousands of anti- and pro-Thaksin demonstrators converging in key areas of Bangkok, the possibility of violent clashes is very real.

Other military leaders have been less assertive than Sonthi, however. One reason is that most of them were promoted by Thaksin over the past five years.

They have been conspicuously quiet in their lack of explicit support for Sonthi's firm stand of neutrality, not wanting to appear to criticise the leader who helped them win fast promotions.

Sonthi was not Thaksin's preferred choice for the top Army spot in the most recent reshuffle last October. General Ruengroj Mahasaranond, the current supreme commander of the armed forces, was the premier's choice. The list, which was rejected by Privy Council President Gen Prem Tinsulanonda and Privy Councillor Gen Surayud Chulanont, was delayed for one month, with Sonthi eventually emerging as Army chief because of his record of professionalism, honesty and loyalty.

Sonthi will retire in October next year. But his actions in the immediate future will be watched closely. They will impact not only on his own future, but those of the Army, the royal institutions and the country itself.

Kavi Chongkittavorn

The Nation