It has been clear for many days now that we can rule out a voluntary resignation. If he is really to go, it will surely involve a lot of kicking and screaming.

But this is anything but boring. We all are witnesses to one of the most fascinating times of Thai politics in modern history. And don't blink over the next few days. You are watching the stoppage time of a dead-even football match.

The Alliance wants to end the game in 90 minutes, but Thaksin is pushing for a late goal to take it to extra time.

The embattled prime minister is expecting to be thrown a major lifeline on Saturday. If advance voting (for Thais who can't vote on April 2) takes place on that day as planned, things will get more complicated, in his favour. It will mean an election process has officially begun, and any solution favoured by his opponents will carry a greater risk of being denounced as unconstitutional or undemocratic.

So prepare for something to happen before then. But even if nothing materialises, I promise you will be on the edge of your seat next week. The "goal" Thaksin is looking to score is the completion of the April 2 snap election. It's his only chance. He needs the poll to happen more than he needs air at the moment.

Whether the virtually uncontested election is legitimate or not, Thaksin's opponents don't want it to happen. For one thing, the complexion of this political crisis will change drastically if, say, 18 million out of 30 million people who go to the polls cast their ballots for the ruling party.

Knowing Thaksin, he will rub all his rivals' noses in the results and ignore the possibility that many pro-Thai Rak Thai votes may come from those who didn't have a choice.

What can put the brakes on the snap election? The anti-Thaksin movement is trying to forge a semblance of consensus among certain groups' demand for a royally appointed prime minister.

But this option itself is plagued with all kinds of trouble, and key Alliance members are said to be deeply divided both ideologically and strategically. With Thaksin still serving as caretaker prime minister, supervising a seemingly democratic election and balking at stepping down, how can there be a royally appointed leader?

In other words, how can Thaksin be dislodged peacefully with the spirit of democracy and constitutional monarchy intact? Experts are pointing at Article 7 of the charter, which seems to allow royal intervention in times of extremity when there is the worst of political impasses. Whether they are right or not, time is running out for this option, given the theory that the April 2 snap election will massively revitalise the Thaksin empire.

If invoking Article 7 is a highly sensitive matter now, it will be ten times more complicated after another "landslide" Thai Rak Thai election victory.

But "extra time" will give Thaksin just that. It will be a toss-up situation, because the crisis won't go away. The Alliance will keep protesting, legal and constitutional troubles will mount over the legitimacy of the new House of Representatives and the first contentious and explosive issue will be whether an incomplete lower House can convene to name the new prime minister. What makes this scenario a likely one is the election rule dictating that MPs elected in uncontested constituencies must receive more than 20 per cent of the eligible vote.

Compounding the scenario will be legal challenges from the Democrats, who are accusing Thai Rak Thai of hiring low-profile candidates to "compete" with the ruling party in order to get around the 20-per-cent rule. This kind of alleged election fraud is punishable by dissolution of the guilty party.

You can accuse Thaksin of almost anything, but you have to admit he is an inspiration for participatory politics. In one year under him Thais have learned more about democracy, moral leadership and conflicts of interest than a decade under the likes of Banharn Silapa-archa, Chuan Leekpai and Chavalit Yongchaiyudh. My colleague's maid is reading every word published in Manager Daily and her knowledge of the Temasek deal is nothing short of impressive. And who else can get the middle class, cab drivers, farmers, academics, students, taxi motorcyclists, NGOs, artists, etc on the streets all at the same time? Who else can get all legal experts in the land out to find ways to either defend or unseat a leader?

No, it's not boring. Actually, we may miss him like crazy.

Tulsathit Taptim