When French President Jacques Chirac arrives on Friday, he will be the republic’s first head of state to visit the Kingdom. Personally, Chirac has visited Thailand on two occasions – as a representative of Paris and during the 1996 Asia-Europe Meeting – but this visit will his official visit as a French president. Chirac, who will end the second term of his presidency next year, wants to make his presence felt in the annals of Franco-Thai friendship and in Southeast Asia in general.

Why did it take so long for Thailand and France to come together? To answer this question, one needs to scrutinise the sea changes in their respective regions. During the Cold War, their cooperation and friendship rested on a Western-bloc alliance. The demolition of the Berlin Wall enabled the two counties to intensify their dialogue and adopt a broader strategic outlook. Meanwhile, in Europe the rapid integration of the 35-member union coupled with an increased role in global politics became the defining context.

At the same time, after the financial crisis of 1997, economic growth of Asia, driven by the industrial modernisation of China and India, has continued. Those two countries have in turn helped fuel regional progress, including transforming Thailand into a strategic linchpin for continental Asia.

At this juncture, the conditions and connections perfectly match the policy objectives of both Thailand and France. Senior officials at the Thai foreign ministry have repeatedly said they could sense a new impetus in Franco-Thai collaborations.

Obviously, France would like to increase its diplomatic profile in Asia. China and Japan used to be the main focus, but now more attention will be paid to countries in Asia that are both democratic and dynamic. India and Thailand fit this mould. Talk of India as a rising economic superpower is very much in vogue these days. In the eyes of Elysee Palace, Thailand’s political and economic climate is stable while at the same time embodying considerable potential. Thai democracy has advanced and economic integration within the global system has increased. More importantly, Thailand has changed its status from a recipient to a donor country.

As such, France has high expectations that Thailand will strongly back its initiative to levy a tax on flight tickets to finance assistance for developing countries. The money would be used to fight contagious disease such as malaria, tuberculosis and HIV/Aids, among other things. Chile was among the first to back France’s plan with a tax on every air ticket purchased and, along with 79 other countries, Thailand has given its verbal commitment. Chirac plans to raise this issue and call for concrete support from Thailand during his visit.

The joint Franco-Thai action plan signed in 2004 will serve as a foundation for both countries. This framework is crucial to increase bilateral trade, investment and market access. It will also spur the exchange of technical and scientific know-how, and rejuvenate political and defence cooperation.

In the 1980s and early 1990s, Thailand, along with other members of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (Asean), worked closely with France during negotiations in Paris to end the 14-year Cambodian conflict. In the absence of regional problems, France’s role has been more passive. It has pursued broader European policies in Southeast Asia since July 2003.

From now on, however, France would like to assert itself a bit more. It wants a more distinguished presence in the region where it used to flourish. France’s influence and colonial legacy remain strong. Chirac’s visit provides an opportunity to build and improve on existing relations in the region.

France will also be more vocal on Burma. Like the rest of the European Union (EU), France has expressed concerns about political oppression there and has demanded the release of all political prisoners, including opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi. Its role within the UN Security Council will be highlighted later if Burma is brought before the council.

As far as regional security is concerned, France has expressed interest in becoming a member of the Asean Regional Forum since its inception in 1994. But Asean’s response has so far been muted as the EU is already a member, participating in the forum in its troika form.

To craft a policy niche for itself, it is highly likely that while in Bangkok Chirac will announce France’s readiness to accede to the 1976 Asean Treaty of Amity and Cooperation, pending future negotiations with the grouping. If that is the case, it will represent a policy departure for the so-called Western nuclear powers.

Ascension to the treaty has proved to be the most efficient way for non-Asean members such as China, India, Australia, to bolster ties with Asean. In this case, France would not be an exception. It would not only strengthen ties with Thailand but Southeast Asia as a whole, especially in the areas of security and anti-terrorism.

France believes that as a UNSC member and an active international player since the September 11 attacks on the US, it can contribute to peace and stability in the region due to its experience in conflict prevention and resolution.

Kavi Chongkittavorn