Published on December 31, 2005

The annual practice of reporters assigning playful nicknames at year’s end turned ominous in 2005. The synchronisation is ominous. The nicknames given to the government, prime minister and Cabinet members this year by Government House reporters as part of the journalists’ annual tradition all point to one conclusion: in their eyes, the Thaksin administration’s legitimacy is wearing thin.

They portray a government running out of popular faith owing to the shady characters permeating the Cabinet, a refusal to admit the truth and a determination defend the indefensible. Compounding the sombre political mood, Parliament-beat reporters called the Senate a “House of Slaves”, while labelling the House of Representatives, dominated by the Thai Rak Thai Party, a “Shin-breed dog collar”.

Over the years, Government House reporters have mixed together both positive and negative nicknames, and even the bad ones did not necessarily reflect a collective failure, but this time the nicknames were woven into a big picture of desperation on the part of the public and ineptitude, nepotism and grave malfeasance on that of the government. This year, the nicknames simply completed the tale of Thailand’s dismal political state, where checks and balances have all but crumbled.

Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra was dubbed the “wizard with weak magic” and his administration the “government that puts the populace in distress”. Deputy Prime Minister Wissanu Krea-ngam was labelled the “in-house lawyer” for regularly using his legal expertise to defend the government against criticism and allegations of corruption and cronyism. Deputy Prime Minister and Industry Minister Suriya Jungrungreangkit was dubbed “the CTX scrap” for his involvement in the bomb-scanner scandal, which was dismissed by Wissanu’s “investigation” committee. Deputy Premier and Justice Minister Chidchai Vanasatidya was labelled “the loose plug”, because Government House reporters considered him the weakest link in the government’s efforts to solve the separatist violence in the deep South.

Deputy Prime Minister Suwat Liptapanlop was “the 25-hour PR man” for appearing regularly on television in support of administration policies. Deputy Prime Minister Suchai Charoenratanakul was “the boss’ wife’s boy” for his close relationship with Thaksin’s wife, Pojaman. PM’s Office Minister Suranand Vejjajiva became “intervening signals” for allegedly exerting influence over state-run media. Interior Minister ACM Kongsak Wantana was tagged with the moniker “the hydropowered minister”; his wife’s nickname means “water”, and it was rumoured that former Air Force chief Kongsak had been appointed to the Cabinet thanks to the good ties between his wife and the PM’s.

As for the Parliament reporters, they agreed that the 377 Thai Rak Thai MPs who form the overwhelming majority in the lower House had failed to fulfil their duty, instead allowing themselves to be dictated to by the “owner of the party”. And while the MPs toed the party line as if they were wearing a collar, the current Senate, so say the reporters, has acted like slaves of the financiers, who are politicians themselves.

But while Government House and Parliament reporters were reflecting the public’s despair, some good news was emerging from a new front that seeks to be an alternative to the country’s ailing system of checks and balances. Embattled Auditor-General Jaruvan Maintaka and Klanarong Chantik, former head of the National Counter Corruption Commission, are among the public figures joining hands to launch Corruption Watch to monitor graft. The group will launch a website, www.corruptionwatch.net, on January 9 for monitoring graft.

This will move the much-criticised Thaksin government to a new battleground. Both Jaruvan and Klanarong are well respected and backed by civic and political representatives. These include president Totrakul Yomanak of the Engineering Institute of Thailand, Democrat Party deputy leader Alongkorn Pollabutr, secretary-general Veera Somkwamkid of the People’s Network against Corruption, Chat Thai MP Chuwit Kamolvisit and Chulalongkorn University economist Sangsit Piriyarangson.

Parliament may not be able to check this government, most “independent bodies” set up under the Constitution may have become lame ducks, and 2005 may be ending with much political pessimism, but politics in 2006 may prove the old adage that nothing lasts for ever. The prime minister and his government will ignore that at their own peril.

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