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SIDELINES: Authoritarianism no longer creates public outrage
Published on October 16, 2005
The student uprising against Thailand’s military dictatorial regime on October 14, 1973 was ceremoniously commemorated last Friday, just as it has been every year on the anniversary of the tragedy. But except for those who had a meaningful role in the event, the gathering in remembrance of the country’s democratic breakthrough received only lukewarm interest.
A survey of Bangkok teenagers and students to determine whether they knew about what happened on that momentous day, which was conducted by a television programme, revealed that the young people had an utter lack of understanding of the events of October 14, let alone their significance.
That’s understandable. Kids today don’t really read that much of anything. Not only do they not read about history, but very few seem to even partake in general reading of books or newspapers.
They are the product of consumerism and the decay of Thai social values. They have been influenced by the strong force of the free-market economy, which has become especially powerful over the last five years – the same period in which politicians in power have blatantly shown the people that “greed and graft are very good”.
Over the past 32 years, a lot of people have forgotten the significance of the political turbulence and bloodletting of that day, when troops mowed down student demonstrators with their machine guns on Rajdamnoen Avenue.
Since then, Thailand has suffered through other power struggles and events that have severely tested its fragile democracy, including the strong resistance of right-wing politicians, who still enjoy the gains reaped from their service to tyranny.
The long years since 1973 have changed the people who on that fateful October day demonstrated their strong desire for the country to realise a meaningful democracy – a kind untainted by the power of big money and guns.
Many of these students and fresh graduates who fought for democracy and stood up to authoritarian elements and corrupt politicians in 1973 did not have long to enjoy the freedoms they had fought for. They felt it prudent to flee to the jungles after another crackdown on activists in October 1976.
In a time of desperation, they escaped the sinister political persecution of the right-wing dictators who came to dominate the country. Many of these young people had come to believe in the communist ideologies of Mao and Lenin, and became leftist guerrillas.
Alas! Hardships encouraged many of them to seek reconciliation with the powers that be, and return to society to pursue higher education and careers in various fields. A lot of them have become well-recognised academics and affluent businessmen.
As time passes and people change, many of these ex-guerrillas found that they liked working for private firms and earning attractive salaries. Now their brainpower and new toughness have made them ruthless and no longer sympathetic to the poor.
As they climbed the corporate ladder, they grew accustomed to comfortable living and wealth, which they felt they were entitled to after enduring so much hardship in the jungle. They must have come to think that their youthful recklessness and inexperience had been the prime causes for their misguided political beliefs and unwarranted optimism. After all, what’s more meaningful then money?
Their service to corporate cut-throats in the money game was amply rewarded in their receiving the confidence and trust of their patrons. They intended to prove that power does not just come from the barrel of a gun – it also comes from big money spent with shrewdness.
Then came a good opportunity for them to serve their new bosses, by making good use of the strategies and tactics they honed in their guerrilla days. The ex-guerrillas and their bosses employed psychological warfare to gain political power and win over the masses, especially the poor.
Among those who benefited from the skills of the communists-turned-servants-of-capitalists is, of course, Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra. The former leftists and the PM share similar ambitions, and were able to work well together. Thaksin and his equally powerful wife came to have a high degree of confidence in some of them, a few of whom even rose to become Cabinet members. Others became members of the PM’s inner circle, or even his family, because of their many years of unshakeable loyalty.
Ironically, these men have become so well accustomed to the capitalist economy that they have now become friendly with the stooges of another dictatorship.
This brings to mind the dictum “the enemy of my enemy is my friend”. To achieve a goal, one must put aside differences and find common ground.
We cannot expect the youngsters of the present generation to think about those days of sacrifice and lofty idealism.
Not when those who fought for democracy at that time have become partners and servants of authoritarian elements that intend to have everlasting political domination over the country.
What’s more, not many people care about the way the country’s wealth is being plundered to the extent that there might not be anything left to fight for in coming generations.
Sopon Onkgara
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